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THE
LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
MAJOE-GENEEAL
SIE JOHN MALCOLM, G.C.B,
LATE ENVOY TO PERSIA, AND GOVEENOR OP BOMBAY;
UNPUBLISHED LETTERS AND JOURNALS.
JOHN WILLIAM, KAYE,
AUTHOR OF THE " LIFE OF LORD METCALFE," " THE HISTORY OF THE WAR IN AFGHANISTAN," &C.
IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I.
LONDON : SMITH, ELDEE, AND CO., 65, COENHILL.
BOMBAY: SMITH, TAYLOR, AND CO.
MDCCCLVI.
{,The right of Translation is reserved.'\
\ /
V, I
4 DEDICATION.
^ TO
I THE HONORABLE MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE
THESE IVIEMOIES
OF ONE OF HIS
MOST DISTINGUISHED COTE]MPOEAEIES AND ATTACHED FEIENDS
AEE KESPECTFULLY AND GRATEFULLY
INSCRIBED.
PREFACE.
As I believe it will be more generally asked why the Life of Sir John Malcolm was not written before, than why it now makes its appearance, I think it is well to state, that many years ago the late Captain Hamilton, the ac- complished author of "Cyril Thornton," undertook to perform the task, which has since devolved upon me; but death arrested his labors. He had proceeded but a little way with his work, when he was thus prematurely lost to the world. Some of the earlier papers had been placed in his hands ; he had marked a few passages in the correspondence, and he had written, with little result, some letters of inquiry to the few surviving friends of Malcolm's boyhood ; but I have not been able to learn that he ever wrote a line of the Memou\
From the time of Captain Hamilton's death, in 1842, up to the autumn of 1854, when I undertook to prepare the present work for the press, the voluminous cor- respondence of Sir John Malcolm (with the exception of one very valuable collection of letters) remained in the possession of the family, with the fullest intention on their part, as soon as fitting opportunity should present it-
vi PREFACE.
self, of publishing some selections from it, accompanied witL. a narrative of Malcolm's eventful career. When this correspondence was placed in my hands, I found that the only difficulty it presented to the biographer was the diffi- culty of selection. Sir John Malcolm began, at a compara- tively early date, to adhere rigidly to the custom of keep- ing copies of all his own letters on public affairs, and preserving those which were addressed to him. As these letters were, for the most part, arranged in books, and were in a very tolerable state of preservation, I had no reason to complam of the quality or quantity of my ma- terial. It is true that the records of Malcolm's early life were somewhat scanty ; but this is a deficiency with which biographers have so commonly to contend, that neither writers nor readers feel any disappointment at its occurrence. It may be observed, too, that Malcolm, in his younger days, AVi^ote both rarely and briefly to his friends; in that respect fm-nishing a strong contrast to Munro and Metcalfe, whose biogi'aphies are among the few exceptions to the rule of which I have spoken.
Voluminous as were the family papers placed at my disposal, they by no means constituted the whole of my materials. I had many large collections of Malcolm's letters in my possession before those papers passed into my hands. Some of the letters derived from foreign sources were the originals of those in the family letter- books. Others were hastily- written, but often suggestive communications referring to immediate topics of the day, of which no copies had been preserved. These undress effusions are often of more value to the biographer than more studied compositions; and it may be mentioned.
PREFACE. Hfil
whilst on this subject, that the very best biographical raaterials at my command have been Malcolm's letters to his wife.
And I do not think that any reader will have just ground of complaint that I have suffered, in this work, the historical to overlay the biographical. The Life of Sir John Malcolm is the life of a man actively employed in the public service, with rare intervals, for half a cen- tury. And of these public services the Memoir furnishes a detailed account. But it may with truth be said, with reference to all the great historical events glanced at in this Memoir, that Malcolm was not merely in them, but of iheiTL—pars magna. To use one of his favorite ex- pressions, the " laboring oar" was always in his hand. So large apd so distinct was his individuality, that the man himself is ever to be seen in the foreground, impressing himself upon all the events with which he was connected, and shaping them by the force of his own personal cha- racter. I believe it would be no exaggeration to say til at the History of India can be but imperfectly under- stood without an understanding also of the character of Sir John Malcolm.
And I am reminded by this of the obligations which I owe to some of the surviving friends of the subject of this Memoir, for oral communications of more value than written documents. As I never saw Sir John Malcolm, who died whilst I was on my way out to India as a cadet, Lhave endeavom^ed to the utmost to supply the wants of my own personal knowledge by gathering unrecorded information from those who knew him best. And as he was not one to pass readily out of the recollection of any
viii PREFACE.
who had once known him, I have seldom failed to elicit some characteristic reminiscences from the cotemporaries whose assistance I have sought.
It remains only to be observed, that, with the excep- tion of two or three letters, the correspondence quoted in this Memoir is now published for the first time. In the later editions of the Wellington Correspondence may be found one or two of the Duke's letters to Malcolm, which appear also in the first of these volumes. The publication of the remamder, however, has not been an- ticipated by Colonel Gurwood. There was no one to whom the Duke of Wellington wrote more unreservedly than to Sir John Malcolm. This unreserve has rendered necessary a cautious use of the correspondence ; but enough is still given to show the intimate terms on which they corresponded, and to illustrate, at the same time, many interesting traits of the Duke's character.
On turning over these printed pages, before finally dis- missing them to take their chance with the Public, and on again referring to the materials (literally a room-full) out of which the Memoir has been shaped, I cannot re- sist a strong sensation of regret at the thought of the many interesting and valuable papers still lying unused aroimd me. I must console myself with the thought that a selection from these may some day be laid before the Pubhc.
J. W. KATE.
London, November, 1S5G.
CONTENTS OF YOL I.
CHAPTER I.
THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM.
[1709—1782.]
PAGE
Tlie Home in Eskdale — Ancestors — Parentage — Misfortunes of George Malcolm.— The Family at Burnfoot — Offer of a Cadetsbip— John's Visit to London — Ordeal at the India-House — Departure for India . . 1
CHAPTER n.
SUBALTEKN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INBIA. [17S3— 1791.]
Arrival at Madras — Departure for Vellore — Pii'st Years of Service — Idleness and Extravagance — Early Reformation — TheWar with Tippoo —Operations of the Nizam's Force — Oriental Studies — First Staff Ap- pointment— Return to England ....... 9
CHAPTER III.
EUULOTJGH TO ENGLAND. [179'1— 1795.]
Restoration of Health — Detention in London — Introduction to General Clarke — Visits to Burnfoot and Alva — Resolution to Return to India — Arrangements for the Voyage— Appointment to the StalT of General Clarke— Departure from England— Capture of the Cape of Good Hope 30
X CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
IHE STAFF AT MADKAS.
[179G-179S.]
PAGE
Appointment to the Staff of the Commaucler-iu-Chief — The Military Se- cretaryship— Letters to Burufoot — Departure of Sir Ahu-ed Clarke — Appointment to the Staff of General Harris — Departui"e of Lord Hobart— The Town-Majorship of Fort St. George .... 49
CHAPTER V.
HYDEKABAD AND MYSORE.
[1798—1799.]
Arrival of Lord Wellesley — The Hyderabad Assistantship — Disbaudment of the Erench Corps — IMalcolm's Share in the Operations — Voyage to Calcutta — Meetiug with Lord Wellesley— The Siege of Seringapatam — The Mysore Commissionership— Return to Hyderabad ... 63
CHAPTER VI.
ACROSS THE PENlNStJLA.
[1799—1800.]
Malcolm's Appointment to the Persian Mission— Its Objects— Rumored Invasion of Zemaun Shah — Local Attachments — Malcolm's Journey to Hyderabad — Business there— Incidents of Travel — Return to Bombay 89
- _ CHAPTER VII.
THE PERSIAN EMBASSY. [ISOO— 1801.]
Arrival at Muscat — Negotiations with the Imanm — Delays at Bushire — Presents and Ceremonies — Reception at Shiraz — Halt at Ispahan — Journey to Teheran — Interviews with the King — Negotiation of the Treaties — Their Character — Approval of Government — Return to India 105
CHAPTER VIII.
THE PRIVATE SECRETARYSHIP. [ISOl— 1803.]
Dangerous Voyage to Calcutta — Departure for the Upper Provinces- Intercourse witli Lord Wellesley — The River Voyage — Letters to Mr. Barlow — Confidential Mission to Madras — Retui-n to Bengal — Death of the Persian Ambassador — Mission to Bombay — Journey across the Peninsula — Dealings with tlic Persians— Return to Calcutta — Appoint- ment to the Mysore Residency 155
CONTENTS. XI
CHAPTER IX.
GENEBAL WELLESLEY's CAMP.
[1S03— 1804.]
PAGB
Llaliratta Politics — Plight of the Peishwah — .The Treaty of Basseiu — Malcolm at Head-Quarters — Intercourse Tiitli General Wellesley — Re- storation of the Peishwah — The Maliratta War — Illness of Malcolm — Departure from Camp — Effects of liis Return— The Treaty of Peace . 199
CHAPTER X.
THE TREATY VITH SCIXDIAH. [1803—1804.]
Progress of the "War — Malcolm's Return to Camp — His Genial Presence — Wattel Punt — Mountstuart Elphinstoue — Negotiations for Peace — The Subsidiary Alliance — ]\Iission to Scindiah's Camp — Scene at Dui-bar — Conclusion of the Treaty — Approval of Lord Wellesley — Death of Malcolm's Father 235
CHAPTER XL
THE GWALIOK CONTKOVEESY. [1S04.]
Malcolm's Continuance at Scindiah's Durbar — The Question of Gwalior and Gohud — Historical Antecedents — Opinions of General Wellesley, Malcolm, and the Governor-General — Correspondence with Calcutta — Displeasure of Lord Wellesley — Review of Malcolm's Conduct . . 262
CHAPTER XII.
MYSORE A^'D CALCUTTA.
[1804—1805.]
Departure from Sciadiah's Coiu't — Residence at Vizagapatam and Ganjam — Correspondence with General Wellesley — Yoyage to Madras — The Mysore Residency — Departure of General Wellesley — Correspondence with the Governor-General — Summons to Calcutta — Councils of State 288
CHAPTER XIII.
LOHB lake's CAMr.
[1805—1806.]
Journey to the North — Arrival at Head-Quarters — Malcolm and Met- calfe—Lord Cornwallis Governor-General — Malcolm's Perplexities — Succession of Sir George Barlow — Tlie Treaty with Scindiah — Resto- ration of Gwalior and Gohud— Piu'suit of Holliar — The Peace . . 314
Xil CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIV.
CALCUTTA AND MYSORE.
[1806-1807.]
PAOB
Malcolm and Barlow — Detention at Calcutta — Correspondence with Sir Arthur Wellesley— Departure for Madi-as— Return to Mysore— Pro- posed Expedition to Turkey — Love, Courtship, and Marriage . . 366
CHAPTER XV.
CONTEMPLATED EXPEDITION TO PERSIA, [1808—1809.]
The Peace of Tilsit— The Mission of Sir Harford Jones— Malcolm's De- parture for the Gulf — State of Politics at Teheran — Failure of Mal- colm's Mission — Voyage to Calcutta — Second Mission to the Gulf — Recall to the Presidency 399
CHAPTER XVI.
THE MADRAS MUTINY. [1809.]
Abolition of the Tent-Contracts — Conduct of General Macdowall — Arrest of Colonel Muuro — Excesses of the Army — Measures of the Madras Government — Tlie Mutiny at Masulipatam — Malcolm despatched tliither — His Treatment of tlie Mutineers— Return to Madras — Disap- probation of Sir George Barlow — Opinions of Sir James Mackintosh — Reappointment to Persia 457
Appendix 513
ERRATA.
Page 42, line 10 from bottom, for "for those feelings," read "to those feelings."
Page 91, line 4, for "Oosliegs," read " Oosbegs"
Page 33(), line 18, for " millah," read "nullah."
The name of Admiral Sir P. Malcolm should be spelt throughout "Pulteney."
THE
LIFE OF SIE JOHN MALCOLM.
CHAPTER I.
THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM. [1769—1782.]
HIS HOME IN ESKDALE — ^ANCESTOES — PABENTAGE — MISFORTUNES OF GEOEGB MALCOLM — THE TAMILY AT BUENFOOT — OFFER OF A CADETSHIP — JOHN's VISIT TO LONDON — ORDEAL AT THE INDIA-HOUSE — DEPAETUBE FOE INDIA.
On the banks of the Esk, in the parish of Westerkirk, three miles from Langholm, in Dumfries-shire, lies the estate of Bumfoot. In all pleasant Eskdale there are few pleasanter spots. There the heather-covered hills slope down towards the sparkling waters of the river, as it ^vinds in a devious fantastic com^se over its stony bed, now between high wooded banks, and now between low grass-lands. A comely modern mansion,* almost on the water's side, stands where once stood the house in which John Malcolm was born.
The Eskdale Malcolms were a younger branch of the Malcolms of Lachore, in Fifeshire. The first who settled in Dumfries-shire was Robert Malcolm, Son of David Malcolm and Elizabeth Melvill, he had been educated for the Scottish Church, and, in 1717, on the recom-
* Now in the possession of Mr. "William Elphinstoue Malcolm. VOL. I. B
2 THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM.
mendation of tlie Lord President of Scotland, nominated by tlie Earl of Dalkeith to the ministerial charge of the parish of Ewes, which borders on Westerkirk. During little less than half of the eighteenth century he con- tinued to occupy the manse, diligently and faithfully per- forming the duties of his office, dwelling among his own people, rich in their affection and respect. But the revenues of the parish were small, and it was with the kindly mtention of increasing them that his patron granted him a lease of the farm of Burnfoot at little more than a nominal rent. The farm was in those days mainly a sheep farm. Literally and figuratively, the concerns of the Eev. Robert Malcolm were of a pastoral character. But he had married Agnes, daughter of the Rev. George Campbell, Professor of Divinity, a man of rare piety and learning, one of the ablest and best, indeed, of the old Scotch divines ; and when, in due time, his son George grew to man's estate, he was entrusted with the manage- ment of the farm.
In 1761, to the grief of all his parishioners, the good minister died. In the same year, George Malcolm took to wife Margaret, daughter of James Pasley of Craig.* The young man had been intended for the Church, and had received with that object a liberal education ; but some defect in his articulation caused an abandonment of the project, and he had devoted himself to agricultural and pastoral pursuits. On the death of his father, the lease of Burnfoot had been renewed to him, and he had become the tenant also of the adjoining farm of Douglan, under the proprietorship of his friend John Johnstone of Alva.
To George and Margaret Malcolm the words of the old Hebrew benediction were literally fulfilled. Whilst the good man cultivated the lands of Burnfoot, there
* And sister of Adinkal Six- Thomas Pasley, Baronet.
CAREER OF HIS FATHER. 3
grew up around him a tliriving family of sons and daugliters. But his worldly wealth did not increase with his progeny. George Malcolm was a strong-minded, an honest, and a pious man — but he was not a pros- perous one. The necessities of a numerous family prompted him to look beyond his farm for means of support. He entered into speculations for which his pre- vious habits had not fitted him ; and carried on, in part- nership with others, mainly with borrowed capital, they failed. Mr. Malcolm's private estate was saddled with a large portion of the debts of the concern ; and all his little property was sold.
A close investigation into his concerns revealed only the just dealings of the man.* Many sympathised with him. Some were eager to assist him. Not last or least of these was his brother-in-law, Dr. Gilbert Pasley, Chief Physician at Madras, who in this hour of need rendered him essential service.
There was enough in this fatal miscarriage to cloud the happiness of any one. But George Malcolm of Burnfoot was something better than a man of a robust nature ; he was a Christian in the largest sense of the word. " I know not at this moment," wrote one whose testimony is worthy of all acceptationf to one of
* He was so honest a man that he f The E,ev. Sir Harry Moucreiif,
would not even cheat a friend, or a father of the late Lord MoncreifF, and
stranger, in horseflesh. On one oc- grandfather of the present (1S56) Lord
casion, he sent an agent to a fair with Advocate of Scotland. Lord Cockburn,
a very good-looking horse to be sold in his " Life of Jeffrey," says of him :
there ; but charged him, at the same " The prominent qualities of his mind
time, with a letter to be delivered to were strong integrity and nervous
the intending purchaser, indicating the sense. There never was a sounder
defects on account of which he wished vinderstandiug. Many men were more
to dispose of the animal. On another, learned, many more cultivated, and
the same agent was selling one of Mr. some more able. But who could match
Malcolm's cows at Langholm Fair, him in sagacity and mental force ? The
when that gentleman joined the group opinions of Sir Harry Moncreiff might
who were looking at her, and said, at any time have been adopted with
" Ay, ay, gentlemen, she has a fine perfect safety, without knowing more
show of milk — but she does not give about them than that they were his." much,"
B 2
4 THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM.
Mr. Malcolm's cliildren, " whom I could conscientiously compare with your father, in sterling worth, in sound understanding, in the best affections of the heart, in un- affected enlightenment and genuine godliness." He felt the burden that was upon him, for he was a man by nature of an anxious and sensitive temperament ; but, sustained by a good conscience, he bore up bravely beneath it. There was not, perhaps, a day of his life in which he did not remember his misfortunes — but he suf- fered with true Christian resignation, and was thankful for the blessings which remained.
And chiefest of these were his wife and children. Margaret Malcolm was a woman of higli principle and sound understanding — but womanly in all ; of quick parts and ready resources ; strong in doing and in suffering ; but gentle and affectionate ; a support in adversity to her husband ; and to her children a tender, a watchful, but not an over-indulgent mother. How much they all owed to her it is difficult to say. She lived to be the mother of heroes, and was worthy of such a race.
To George and Margaret Malcolm ten sons and seven daughters were born ; a healthy and a vigorous tribe, who forded the Esk, clomb the steep hill-sides of Douglan and Craig, and gambolled in the heather. There was a good parish school in Westerkirk ; but, better still, there was plenty of fresh air and free scope for exercise, and the boys in early childhood, swimming in the flooded waters of the river, or scampering about the country on rough ponies, learnt lessons of independence, which were of service to them to the end of their lives.
Of these boys, John was the fourth. He.was born on the 2nd of May, 17G9.* If he was conspicuous for any-
* On llic clay after the birth of the tically a year of heroes. Napoleou Bo- Duke of "Wcliiugtou. It was empha- napartc was boru in the same year.
THE FAMILY AT BURNFOOT. 5
thill o: in his cliildhood, it was less for a studious habit than for a certain quickness of parts, which enabled him to prepare his lessons as he trudged up the hill on his way to school; and for that fearlessness of heart and activity of body, the boyish result of which is commonly mischief. The tradition is, that "Jock" was the scapegrace and the scapegoat of the family. The "Westerkirk schoolmaster, Mr. Archibald Graham, used to declare, whatever wild pranks Avere committed, that " Jock was at the bottom of them." No matter how little apparent his participation in the exploit may have been, still the preceptor clung to his formula, and exclaimed, " Jock's at the bottom of it."*
It mi2;ht well have been a matter of serious concern, even to one in prosperous cu-cumstances, how to pro\T.de for all these robust boys. To George Malcolm, after his misfortunes, it was the study and anxiety of his life. Fortunately he had many friends — friends in his own native Eskdale, and friends in the great English metro- polis. For the eldest boy, Robert, an appointment was obtained as a writer in the service of the great Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies. James, f the second son, was provided for in the Marines, with a fair field of distinguished service before him. For the third boy, Pulteny,J a midshipman's berth was secured in a man-of-war, and he was on the road to become a great admiral, and one of England's best naval heroes. And now, when yet only eleven years old, John was set down in the Burnfoot book of fate for a military career in the East.
Among Mr. Malcolm's friends, it has been said, were
* The schoolmaster lived to address have not, however, been able to authcu-
his old pupil as Sir Jolm. There is an ticate the details of this story,
anecdote in the family, that on the ap- f The late Sir James Malcolm,
pearance of his " History of Persia," K.C.B.
Malcolm sent a copy of it to ]Mr. Gra- J The late Admii-al Sir Pulteny Mal-
ham, with an inscription on the fly-leaf colm, G.C.B. of "Jock's at the bottom of it." I
6 THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM.
the Jolinstones of Alva. One of the family was the well- known " Governor Johnstone," whose influence at the India-House was not unwillmgly exerted in behalf of the tenant of Burnfoot. By him a nomination to the military service of the Company was tendered to Mr. Malcolm for his son John before the close of 1780;* but the extreme youth of the boy rendered it doubtful whether the offer could be turned to immediate accomit. The winter and spring passed away, and Jock remained in Eskdale, at the bottom of all the mischief as before. But in the course of the summer a visitor appeared at Burnfoot, who pro- posed to carry off the boy to London, and obtained the parents' ready consent.
This was John Malcolm's maternal uncle, Mr. John Pasley, a London merchant of high character and posi- tion— a man of a kindly disposition and a generous nature, who had rendered much good substantial service to the Burnfoot party in their troubles, and whose knowledge of business was yet to be exercised to the profit of the younger members of the family. His summer visit to Eskdale was now a momentous one. It was agreed that Jock should return with his uncle to London. So mere a child was he, that on the morning of his departure, when the old nurse was combing his hair, she said to him, " Now, Jock, my mon, be sure when ye are awa'
* John Johnstone to George Malcolm; point, that youn^ as Jolm is, it maybe December 6th, 1780. " The enclosed, doing the best thing to embrace the from my worthy brother, the Governor, offer. My brother's health is far from is a fresh proof of his never-ceasing at- being re-established, and his absence, tcntion and sympathy to his friends, or any accident to him, and ray dis- He thinks that John, the eldest of yonr tance from the scene of Indian affairs, boys now at home, if I have not mis- might render this appointment here- taken his name, and who you told me after very precarious What I
was eleven years old, though young could wish most would be permission
should nevertheless accept of tliis ap- for John to remain behind for another
pointment. Could one dc certain of year after his appointment, with the
such a hit hereafter, no question it consent of the Directors. It would be
would be more to be wished, but so happy, perhaps, could this be effected,
many accidents may occur to disap- but we must not depend upon it."
FIRST VISIT TO LONDON. 7
ye kaim your head and keep your face clean ; if ye dinna, ye'll just be sent liame agen." "Tut, woman," was the answer, " ye're aye se feard ; ye'll see if I were awa' amang strangers, I'll just do weel aneugh."
And the brave words were truly spoken. At the end of July, 1781, young John Malcolm, accompanying his uncle, Mr. John Pasley, for the first time crossed the Scottish border. A journey of two days brought him to the English metropolis, where he spent a week, nomi- nally in his uncle's house, but really abroad in the streets, seeing almost everything that was worth seeing, and enjoying himself beyond expression. During this brief period of sight-seeing his ideas began to expand wonderfully, and the childishness of his manners rapidly disappeared.* But there was other education in store for him than that of the great world. On the 7th of August his uncle carried him to school, placing Jock under the charge of Mr. Allen, a gentleman who was under some obligations to Mr. Pasley, and was sure, there- fore, to do justice to the boy.
It was Mr. Pasley's desire to obtain an appointment for his nephe^v in the Company's military service with the least possible delay. But the boy was only twelve years old ; and though tall of his age, still of so juvenile an appearance, that there was little likelihood of his passing at the India-House. There were no fixed rules in those days respecting the age at which commissions might be held, but the candidate had to appear before a Committee of Directors, and from them to receive his credentials. There was no difiiculty about John's nomi-
'^- Mr. John Pasley to Mrs. Malcolm; everything almost that was curious,
August 11, 1781. " I allowed him to and was delighted beyond expression,
remain with me all the week, that he His ideas began to open, his behaviour
might see and become a little acquainted is much altered, and on the whole,
with this immense city. His time was hitherto, I have a very good opinion of
fuUy employed in traversing its streets, him." and during these few days he saw
8 THE BOYHOOD OF JOHN MALCOLM.
nation; the difficulty was for one so young to pass the ordeal in Leadenhall-street.* The experiment, however, was to be tried. A free passage to India had been pro- mised by Captain Tod of the Bushridge^ and it was of importance that this should not be lost. So, towards the end of that year, 1781, John Malcolm was taken to the India-House, and was, as his uncle anticipated, in a fair way to be rejected, when one of the Dkectors said to him, "Why, my little man, what would you do if you were to meet Hyder Ali ?" " Do, Sir," said the young aspirant, in prompt reply, " I would out Avith my sword, and cut off his head." " You will do," was the rejoinder; "let him pass." The lofty spirit of the boy atoned for his lowly stature, and that was granted to his big words which would have been denied to his few inches. John Malcolm's first commission was dated in October, 1781. But he did not embark till some time afterwards. Cap- tain Tod, it appears, was to have sailed in the following- March; but circumstances with which I am not acquainted must have caused his detention till the autumn. In the mean while, John Malcolm continued to profit by the kindness of his uncle and the tuition of Mr. Allen ;t and embarked for India, at least as well educated as the ma- jority of lads who at that time, with small Latin and less Greek, set their faces towards the " shining Orient."
* Mr. JohnPaslei/ to Mr. George Mai- employment, the delay will be attended
colm ; November 13, 1781. " Johnny, witli many disadvantages, which I wish
though tall of his age, I don't know to guard agamst. Whether the ap-
how to dispose of. He ccrtamly will poiutmcnt is for Madras or Bengal I
not pass at Die India-IIousc, and Tod sliall be contented. On Bob's account
will sail in Jlarch. If he loses tliis I would )u-cfcr the latter, as his being
opportunity, next year he may have his sent to jMa(kas might not, perhaps, be
passage to pay for. In two or three so agreeable to my ])rothcr, which
weeks Tod is expected in to\Mi. I will would liurt both." consult him on tlic subject, and en- f ]\lr. Allen thought him so pro-
deavour, if possible, to get him out. mising a pupil, that he deplored the
Another year at the academy would boy's early removal, and offered, if it
not hurt him ; but thougli lie would Ijc were connected with pecuniary consi-
by that means better qualiOcd for his derations, to educate lum gratuitously.
SUBALTEEN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
CHAPTER II.
SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
[17S3— 179i.]
ARRIVAL AT MADRAS — DEPARTURE FOR VELLORE — FIRST TEARS OF SERVICE — IDLENESS AND EXTRAVAGANCE — EARLY REFORMATION — THE WAR WITH TIPPOO — OPERATIONS OF THE NIZAM's FORCE — ORIENTAL STUDIES — FIRST STAFF APP0INT]MENT — RETURN TO ENGLAND.
On tlie IGtli of April, 1783, the Bushrklge ancliored in Madi\as Roads. At that place young John Malcohii was received by the widow of his uncle, Gilbert Pasley. The lady had taken another husband, and now bore the name of Ogilvie. After a short residence at the Presidency, he accompanied his new friends to Vellore, and was appointed to do duty with one of the regiments com- posmg the garrison of that fort. Having nothing else to do, he had grown much on the voyage ; and his new friends were delighted with his frank, open manners, his sunny temper, and his genial, playful spirit.*
At this time the English in India Avere at war with
* Mrs. Ogihie to Mrs. Malcolm ; Vel- make liim liappy. He was too young
lore, July 5, 1783. "By this con- to go to the fiekl, so we brought him
veyance you will receive letters from up here and got hiai appouited to the
yoiu- sou Jack, who, I suppose, will tell troops in this garrison. He is a very
you of our journey up here, and of the old ensign, though a very young lad.
wonders lie had seen in India He is grown a head and shoulders, and
Jack came to us immediately on his is one of the finest and best-tempered
landing from Captain Tod's ship, and young lads I ever saw, and very much
happy was I, my dear sister, to receive liked by everybody." youi- son, and to do all in my power to
10 SUBALTEKN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
Tippoo,* and at war with the French. When John Malcohn reached Vellore, a body of Enghsh troops was laying siege to the French position at Cuddalore. Tidings, however, came of peace in Europe; so hostihties ceased in India against our great continental rival, and left us to turn our undivided energies against our unscrupulous Mysorean foe. Those energies, however, were not ex- erted in a very formidable manner. Our comicils wanted union, and our army wanted a head. There were in- decent dissensions at Madras ; and the loss of Sir E^nre Coote could not be adequately supplied. So, after an- other year of desultory warfare, during which no great advantages were gained on either side, negotiations were opened with Tippoo ; and on the 11th of May, 1784, a definitive treaty was signed.
Among other articles of this treaty was one for the release of the prisoners taken by the contending powers. Many Enghsh officers, in tlje extremity of suffering and humiliation, had long been hopeless captives in the hands of Hyder Ali and his son. The -peace, if it had no other good results, restored to liberty these brave, enduring men ; all who had not perished under the cruel hands of their captors. Sir Thomas (then Major) Dallas, who had commanded the escort of the commissioners appointed to negotiate the peace with Tippoo, received charge of the English prisoners, and was instructed to conduct them to the safe precincts of our English territory. At the same time, a detachment of two companies of Sepoys was sent out from our side of the Mysorean frontier to meet DaUas's escort on its way from Seringapatam. In com- mand of this party went Ensign John Malcolm. This was his first ser\dce — and it was long remembered by
* Hydcr Ali liad died in the pre- his promise at the India-House by ceding year, so Jolinny Malcolm was cutting off bis Higlmess's head, spared the necessity of making good
" BOY MALCOLM." 11
others than the youthful hero himself. When the detachment met the prisoners' escort, a bright-faced, healthy Enghsh boy was seen by the latter riding up to them on a rough pony. Dallas asked him after his commanding officer. "Zam the commanding officer," said young Malcolm. Amid something of pride on one side and amusement on the other, a friendship was formed between the two, which nothing but death termi- nated. Dallas, who lived to a green old age, survived to see the bright-faced English boy grow into one of the most distinguished officers of his day ; and there were few of the reminiscences of his lonsj life to which he re- curred mth greater pleasure than to tliis his first meeting Avith Malcolm, in the old time when Warren Hastings was Governor-General of India .
Of the next five or six years of the young soldier's life the records are very scanty. But I am not sure that the absence of authentic materials relating to this period of his career is much to be regretted. He arrived in India, and was his own master before he was fourteen — an age at which the majority of boys of his station are drink- ing weak milk-and-water, and being whipped into Latin hexameters. I am afraid that he was not a prodigy of youthful virtue. He was a fine, free-spirited, active, ex- citable boy, fonder of play of all kinds than of study — a good horseman, a crack shot, accomphshed in all gym- nastic exercises. In his regiment, and wherever he was known beyond his regiment, he went by the name of " Boy Malcolm" — a name which he retained many years afterwards — there was something so open and joyous in his manner, so active, and so frolicsome. Of course he was beset by all manner of temptations. What he re- sisted, and what he did not, I do not particularly know; but he was soon immersed in debt, and surrounded by all its attendant difficulties.
12 SUBALTEEN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
One anecdote relating to this period of his life is extant. Being with his regiment at some out-station, and in very straitened circumstances, paying off his debts, I believe, as best he could, and scorning to borrow from his comrades, he was often sore beset for a meal. One day the colonel of his regiment sent for him and said, " I don't see any smoke come out of the chimney of your cook-room, Malcolm — come and breakfast with me." The young soldier fired up at this indelicate invitation — an unwar- rantable interference, as he thought, in his private affairs ; and he either actually called out the colonel, or was with difficulty restrained from sending the challenge. I have heard, too, that at one time, in the course of these years of early struggle — probably at the identical period to which the above anecdote refers — an old native woman in the bazaar voluntarily supplied him with provisions, for the payment of which, she declared, she was content to wait his own time and convenience. For the good feeling thus displayed, Malcolm was ever grateful; and liis gratitude took a practical shape, for he pensioned the good woman to the end of her days,*
It was about the year 1787-88 that the dawn of better things commenced; and young John Malcolm began to see the folly of his ways. He had begun life early, and before he was nineteen was able to speak of himself — and truthfully too — as a reformed character. He was at this time stationed with a wingr of his remment at Masuli- patam — where his eldest brother, Robert, was residing as Company's agent — and liad made so much progress in
* To render this more iiitcllig'iblc to lliosc avIio have perusctl Sii- Thomas
the purclyEiigli^lireadernot acquainted !Munro's delightful letters (iu Mr.
witli the history of tlie Indian serviees, Gleig's|,i\Icmoir), in which he speaks
it shouhl l)c stated tliat at this ]ieriod with so nuieh good-humor of the early
the pay of the youuf'cr Company's ofli- hardsliips to which he was exposed
cers was much smailer than it is at the for lack of funds to procui-c ordiuary
present time. Tliis cautionary sen- comforts, tcncc, however, will be unnecessary to
LETTER TO HIS FATHER. 13
the detail- work of professional duty, that he was ap- pointed to act as adjutant of the detachment. The earliest letter preserved by his family touches on these points, and expresses in a few words so much good peni- tential feeling, that it would be unjust to the young soldier to omit it :
JOHN MALCOLM TO HIS FATHER.
Masulipatam, Feb. 9, 1788.
My dear Father, — My not receiving a single line from you last season, made me almost suppose you thought me no longer worthy of your advice, as I had made such a bad use of what you had formerly bestowed upon me. I must own to my shame you had too much reason to think it would be thrown away. All that I now expect is, that my friends avIU forget the past (I hope I may now say) part of my conduct. I have informed my mother how very agreeably I am now situated, though I believe I shall not remain long here ; as I have been six years and four months an ensign,* I expect promotion every day, and with it a removal. I am at present doing duty as adjutant of that part of my regiment stationed here. Though I receive no pay for doing that duty, it is a great recommendation to a young man to act, as it gives him a chance, when any vacancy happens in the staff line, to be ap- pointed and receive the allowances annexed.
I would with pleasure give you some idea of the politics of this part of the globe if I was in any way competent; but they are so little known, that it is almost impossible to meet with a man who can give any account of them. The Mahrattas and Tippoo have ceased hostilities for this some time past. The latter is now in the field against one of his own vassals on the Malabar coast, called Ibed Beg — but I suppose he will soon be crushed, as it is not possible for him to bring forces nearly sufficient to cope witli his master.
I am, dear father,
Your affectionate and dutiful son,
John Malcolm.
* From tliis it -^ould appear that liis first commissioiL was dated iu October, 17S1.
14 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
It is probable that lie owed inucli to the judicious management of his brother Eobert, of whom he always spoke in terms of the warmest affection and the most zealous praise. Robert's kindness was not of that yield- ing, indulgent sort, which smooths down present difficul- ties, careless of the amount of evil with Avhich the future may thus be burdened. He thought that the day of reckoning could not come too soon; and therefore not only abstained from assisting John to extricate himself from his pecuniary difficulties, but prevented others from rendering that assistance. John Pasley, the London mer- chant, always generous, and always fond of his nephew, was willing to make advances to the young soldier which would have relieved him at once from the incumbrance of debt; but Eobert Malcolm thought that obhgations thus easily discharged might be soon incmTed again, and accordingly stopped his micle's remittances. John was left, therefore, to pay his own debts as best he could ; and before the end of 1788, he had discharged them all by his own unaided exertions.*
A life of active service in the field was now before him. The peace had lasted as long as peace generally lasts in India. The turbulent, aggressive spirit of Tippoo Sultan had not been laid to rest. We had many warnings of a coming ruptm^e. But they had been disregarded. And when at last the crisis came — when our insolent enemy threw off the mask and dared the contest by attacking the lines of our ally the Rajah of Travancore — we found ourselves on the eve of a great war, unprepared for the
* Robert Malcolm to Mrs. Malcolm Had he got the money iny uncle ordered oflhirnfoot; Fchrv.ary1^),Yi%^. "Do — viz., 200/. — he would effectually have not blame John, poor fellow. Nothm^ been ruined. But I kuew too well his but distress led him to what he dicL situation to give him a shiUiuo-. He It was even unknown to me until I has now cleared himself from debt, and received my uncle's letters, which I is as promising a character in his pro- suppressed, and wrote to John in a dif- fessiou as lives." ferent style than his uncle had done.
HIS FIRST CAMPAIGN. 15
coming struggle. The year 1790 dawned upon us with scanty resources and debilitated establishments, making hasty provision for an emergency that had long been foreseen ; and paying, as was said by Lord Cornwallis, in millions for our unwillingness to venture on a timely expenditure of groats.
But the war upon which we were now entering was not to be undertaken single-handed. It was as necessary for the peace and security of the Deccan as of our own dominions that the unscrupulous ambition of Tippoo should be held in control. So the ruler of that country, known as the Nizam, took the field as our ally ; and the Mahrattas were brought into the confederacy. It hap- pened that at this time Lieutenant Malcolm's regiment* was stationed in the country which lies between the seaboard and the confines of the Nizam's dominions. When, therefore, according to our wont in such cases, a detachment of British troops was ordered to co-operate immediately with our ally, Malcolm's corps formed part of this auxiliary force.
Commencing their march from Ellore — a rapid and laborious one — in the burning month of May, they suf- fered terribly from the heat of the weather and a fatal scarcity of water. By the middle of July they had reached Rachore, in the Nizam's dominions. " I am now," wrote the young soldier on the 20th of that month to his friends at Burnfoot, " at Rachore, the capital of a beautiful country that bears the same name. It is five hundred miles from Masulipatam. We marched here about ten days ago. Our road was terrible — all rocks and deserts, in the hottest season that perhaps was ever known. The thermometer at 115 deg. for nearly a month. It is true, I assure you, though the hearers of
* The 29th battalion of Native lufautry.
16 SUBALTEKN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
tliis paragraph, I am sure, will think otherwise. I walked nearly the whole way, as my horse was sick ; and we frequently marched at twelve o'clock at night, and did not arrive at our ground till two p.m. next day. We were sometimes greatly distressed for provisions— often forty and fifty hours without any — but that was little compared to the dreadful want of water on the road. You can have no idea of that, as, thank God ! you never could have experienced it. Officers in general supply themselves, and have a servant for the purpose ; but, in some of our long marches, I have seen men raving mad, go into high fever, and die in a few hours. We are going on service in a few days."
At Bhoospore, the detachment joined the army of the Deccan. The Nizam himself had made a crreat show of
o
taking; the field with all liis chief officers of state. His force was computed to number, camp-followers included, 500,000 people, and to cover an area of ten miles by three or four. It was rather an 'immense migra- tory multitude than tlie moving camp of a reguUir army. The mixture of barbaric splendor with dis- order and confusion — the strong contrasts presented everywhere by the magnificence of the Court and the ragged grotesqueness of the inferior components of the motley force — made a strong impression upon the imagi- nation of the young soldier. But that which most filled his mind at this time, was the thought of the misery inflicted on the people of the country through which he passed, by the cruelty and rapacity of the Nizam's troops. Eveiy kind of extortion was practised upon the inhabi- tants both of their o"\vn provinces and the country on the other side of the border after they had passed into Tippoo's dominions. Cowards to the strong — tyrants to the weak — they made enemies, without any local dis-
THE SIEGE OF COrOULEE. 17
tinctions, of all who had no power to resist their merci- less aa:2Tessions.*
The history of Malcolm's first campaign may be given in a few sentences. " When we marched from Each ore to the enemy's country," he says, in an early paper which I have found in a somewhat fragmentary state, "we were said to be accompanied by from 25,000 to 30,000 of the Nizam's troops, with a respectable train of artiller}^ But this was far from the truth. 18,000 horse and foot Avere the utmost extent of om' numbers, and, with very few exceptions, a more complete set of ragamuffins was never assembled. . . . Nothing worthy of remark hap- pened before we entered into Tippoo's dominions. . . . We met with no place to impede our progi^ess to the westward in the Doab till we came to Copoulee and Behaudur-Bundur — two forts within a mile and a half of each other. . , . Copoulee is, without exception, the strongest place I have seen in India."
After a protracted siege, the place surrendered. " Six tedious months," as young Malcolm wrote, " were spent opposite the fortress, and some valuable lives were lost before it was finally carried." The work fell principally upon the European artillery; and we had then early ex- perience of a fact which subsequently came to be univer- sally understood, that little or no reliance is to be placed
* The foUowiug may be taken as an large stones upon their breasts ; whilst
example of the atrocities committed by others had their fingers pinched with
the Nizam's people — it shows the man- hot pincers. Their cries of agony and
ner in which the ransom money was declarations of inability to pay aj)-
coUected from a conquered village: pearedonlyto whet the appetite of their
"The scene which presented itself to tormentors. Most of those not under
the British ofSeer was beyond all de- their hands seemed in a state of star-
seriptiou shocking. The diii'erent quotas vation. Indeed, they were so far dis-
to be paid by each inhabitant had been tracted with hunger, that many of them,
fixed ; and every species of torture was without distinction of sect, devoured
then being inflicted to enforce it. Men what was left by tlie European officer
and women, poor and rich, were suffer- and Sepoys from their dinner."— -[IT/y.
ing promiscuously. Some had heavy Memoir by John Malcolm.'] muskets fastened to their ears; some
VOL, I. C
18 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
on native allies, and that therefore, in all nominally con- joint operations, it is expedient to act independently of them. But it was less by the physical agency of our guns than by the moral effect produced by the fall of Bangalore that Copoulee was eventually subdued. Of this flxct, tlie bare outline of which is traced in History, all the more dramatic details are given in one of Mal- colm's later journals :
" The strong fortress of Copoulee," he wrote, " had been be- sieged for six months without our making any practicable breacla ; but the commandant, from the whole of the country round being- conquered, entered into a negotiation for its surrender. The result of this depended in a great degree upon the truth of an account which had been received of the fall of Bangalore. The Minister of Dara Jah asserted that this was the case; but the persons de- puted from the fort expressed their doubts of the fact. They were asked what would satisfy them of its truth? 'If Sadooilah Khan* says it is so, we will believe him,' was the reply. He was sent for, and the question put to him. 'I have heard it reported tliat Bangalore has been taken, but have no positive knowledge of its truth,' was the reply. The Minister was quite indignant, whilst the deputies from the tent exulted at his answer. But he requested of both to be allowed to saiisfy himself by going to the English camp. I was in the tent of the commanding officer, Captain Read, when he came to him and asked if Lord Cornwallis had taken Bangalore. Captain II. said he had. ' I beg your pardon,' said he, mildly ; ' I know an English officer always speaks truth, but have you received accounts of this event through a channel in which you repose entire confidence?' The official letter which announced it was shown and explained to him. He thanked Captain II., and went direct to the tent where the con- ference was held, and addressing the deputies, said, ' Bangalore has been taken by the English.' Not a question (T was assured by a person present) was asked, nor an observation made, further
* SadooUali Khan was a Mussul- city and good faitli in that part of the man chief, of Arab stock, who was held countiy. in high repute for his scrupulous vera-
DAWN OF BETTER THINGS. 19
than the deputies lamenting the bad fortune of their sovereign. They returned into the fort, and the capitulation was instantly signed."
Behaudur-Bundur capitulated a few days afterwards, and the garrisons of both places were humanely per- mitted to retire without molestation.
After some further operations of no great moment to this narrative, the detachment to which young Mal- colm belonged was ordered to join the main body of tlie Nizam's army, which, accompanied by the Eesident, Sir John Kennaway, was then assembling to march upon Seringapatam, and co-operate with the British forces under Lord Cornwallis,
The records of this period of John Malcolm's life are very scanty ; but I know enough to declare that we now see him at the turnmg-point of his career. In the camp of the Nizam he became acquainted with Sir John Kennaway, Mr. Graeme Mercer, and others of the diplo- matic corps then representing British interests at the Court of Hyderabad. He soon grew into favor with them, and lived for a time in familiar intercourse with the magnates of the Eesidency. The high position which they occupied ; the important duties entrusted to them; the stirring life which they led, fired his young ambition. He began to ask himself whether he might not do likewise. A new world opened out before him. He burned to be a diplomatist.
The first step towards this consummation was to acquire a competent knowledge of the language of the Native Courts. He determined that he would study Per- sian. His friends of the Eesidency encouraged this good resolution, and Mr. Gramme Mercer lent " Boy Malcolm" the services of his moonshee. And very resolutely did the young man apply himself to the mastery of the
c2
20
SUBALTEEN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
Oriental character and the construction of the language.* His younger companions laughed at him, and endeavoured to lure him back to his old pursuits. But he had laid aside his gun, and manfully declared that he would not fire another shot, or mount his horse again, imtil he had made certain progress in his studies.
And he studied to some purpose. Nor was it to the native languages alone that he applied hin^self at this time. He seems to have begun not only to reflect, but to record his reflections upon the interesting events which were passing before him — upon the character of the people by whom he was surrounded — the nature of the connexion existing between the British power and the Native States ; and the conduct to be observed by the
* See the following extract of a letter from Mr. Grremc Mercer to Captain Hamilton : " Oar acquaint- ance commenced in 1791, when I was attaclied to the Residency at Hyder- abad, and John joined us as an ensign in the detachment of Madras troops which was settled by treaty to be stationed in the Nizam's country. lie soon became' a favorite with us all, and particularly with Sir John Keuna- way, the Resident. lie was then a care- less, good-liumored fellow, illiterate, but with pregnant ability. He took a fancy to learn Persian, and I made over to liim my moonsliec, under wliom he made rajjid improvement. The Kesi- deney soon afterwards marched Avith tlie Nizam's son and Minister to join Lord Cornwallis's army, and I have no recollection what became of Malcolm, but a faint one that lie had lost his liealth with tlie detachment, and re- turned to tlic Company's provinces."
In another letter, addressed to Mr. Elphiustone, the same writer says: "He was quite illiterate when he joined us, but an adept in all games, and a canital shot; and, in short, possessedanintellcct which only required to be set a-going, either for frood or evil. He had bccu
accused of gambling before I knew him ; but I never heard of his exer- cising Ids talents in that way after he had been engaged in any employment of consequence. His overflowing spirits made him riotous, and he was generally known by the name of ' Boy Malcolm.' I think I recollect his speeHncj the tent- poles witli Edmonstone, and probably all of us; but gymnastics formed a great part of our amusements, and he ex- celled in them. I gave him tlie use of my moonshee for some time, and he dubbed him 'Long Tom.' Ten years afterwards, on his return from Persia, when we were both voyaging up the Ganges with Lord Wellesley, John came into my boat. Finding his old friend Long Tom with me, he embraced him most eorcUally, and began to nar- rate his adventures; but, stopping short, he said, ' It is nonsense to be prolix — in short, whatever you have read, I have seen.' ' Ay, Boy Malcolm,' re- plied the moonshee ; ' I hope you will indulge me then with particulars of the journey of Mahomed to heaven upon a Borak.' This, John said, was one of the few points he had not had an op- portunity of inspecting himself, or as- ccrtainiufir from others."
PEOVIDENTIAL ESCAPE. 21
former. He was, in a word, preparing himself to gra- duate in the school of diplomacy, eager for an opening whereby he might obtain admission even to the lowest class. And it was not long before such an opening seemed to present itself. Eeferring to this period of his life, Sir John Malcolm, in after years, used to relate that a vacancy having occurred in one of the diplomatic circles of Southern India, he was prompt to make' application for the post; but was anticipated by a quarter of an hour. As he entered the great man's tent to prefer his petition, he met, issuing from it, a young officer upon whom the appointment had been conferred.* He was told, that if he had called a little sooner, the assistantship should have been his. Thus he lost it; and so bitter was his disap- pointment, that on returning to his tent he threw himself down and wept with very grief and vexation. But the loss, though he knew it not, was great gain to him. It was nothing less than the gain of his life. The officer who had anticipated him had no sooner proceeded to the scene of his new duties, than he was murdered in open Court. It was not the man, but the office-bearer — the representative of the English Conqueror — who had been marked out as the victim : so Malcolm, had he been suffered, in this instance, to shape his own course, and to succeed in his own way, would have perished miserably at the very threshold of his diplomatic career. This lesson was not thrown away. It was often dwelt upon, in after years, gratefidly and reverentially, and impressed with becoming fervor on his children. He whose ways
* Tliere is necessarily more or less ferred from the preceding note, be was
vagueness in all traditionary anecdotes in Lord Coruwallis's camp, and the ap-
of this kind. Whether the appoint- plication was made to the Governor-
ment for which Malcolm applied was General himself, must remain a matter
in the gift of one of the Residents (per- of doubt. The story, however, loses
haps Sir Jolm Kennaway), or whether little by this want of circumstantiality
at a little later period, as may be in- in its details.
22 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
are not our ways liad mercifully vouchsafed to preserve him, turning the apparent failure into a bountiful deliver- ance, and teaching him the folly of human repinings.
It was after the field-operations briefly noticed above that young Malcolm, for the first time, attempted an his- torical record of the events in which -he had been an humble actor. In this early paper may be traced the germs of much which in after days made up the perfec- tion of his character as a soldier and a diplomatist — a mix- ture of firmness and gentleness — of sagacity and courage. I have mentioned how much the oppressions exercised by the Nizam's troops upon the defenceless people weighed upon his mind. It is pleasant to learn that the forbearance and good conduct of the Company's troops presented a remarkable contrast to the licentiousness of their allies. On this fact the young narrator dwelt with manifest delight. After recording an instance of the pro- tection afforded by a British officer to some persecuted villagers, he proceeded thus with his narrative :
" It fell to my lot afterwards to witness an occurrence not very dissimilar to the afore-mentioned, where the commanding officer, by a spirited refusal to comply with a requisition of men for op- pressive purposes made by a leader whom he was ordered to assist with troops when required, not only gained the approbation of the English Resident at Hyderabad, but the esteem and respect of his own troops and those of our ally. The latter are lavish in their admiration of the justice and discipline observed by the Company's troops, though they never think of imitating them. I cannot here omit mentioning a trifling anecdote to the credit of our Sepoys. Whenever the guard paraded to march to the ill- fated village I have mentioned, they made a collection of as much rice as each man could afford to give for the starving inhabitants. This was distributed when they went. Such conduct (which was not confined to this single instance) was deemed folly, and excited a smile of pity on the countenances of the unfeeling, plundering horsemen of the Nizam's army, but made different impressions on
POLITICAL OPINIONS. 23
the inhabitants of the country. They, accustomed to the worst of treatment, received at first with suspicion and hesitation the kind protection which we always gave them when in our power. Convinced of its reality, and of our acting thus upon system, they spread our fame far and near. The sight of a Company's Sepoy quieted the minds and gave assurance of safety to a body of un- fortunate wretches who, the moment before, were trembling at the thoughts of being plundered, and perhaps murdered, by our allies. I could observe no difference in the conduct of the Irre- gular Horse when in their own country and in that of the enemy. They seemed to consider the defenceless everywhere as their prey, and to attack all under that denomination indiscriminately. The spirit of intrepidity which our Sepoys showed in defending those they were ordered to protect, deterred our allies from venturing on plunder where they saw them posted. The strong prepos- session which the inhabitants of every country through which the English detachment marched must have had for them, may, in some future day, be of the highest value. Reputation for justice and humanity preceding an army is of more consequence than an advanced guard of 10,000 men."
From the following noticeable passage, taken from the same early paper, it may be gathered that even at this period of his life he had reflected upon those principles of conduct in accordance with wdiich, in maturer years, he shaped his diplomatic career:
" An invariable rule ought to be observed by all Europeans who have connexions with the natives of India — never to practise any art or indirect method of gaining their end, and from the greatest occasion to the most trifling to keep sacred their word. This is not only their best, but their wisest policy. By this con- duct they will observe a constant superiority in all their trans- actions ; but when they act a different part — when they condescend to meet the smooth-tongued Mahomedan, or the crafty Hindoo, with the weapons of flattery, dissimulation, and cunning, they will to a certainty be vanquished. For a successful practice in these little arts, perhaps no people on earth excel the natives of India. They begin the study as they learn to speak, and continue
24 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
it with uninterraitting application through their lives. A friend of mine who lately came to India, strongly struck with this cha- racteristic, observed, that from what he had seen he was convinced that if a bag containing a thousand pagodas were placed between William Pitt and a Madras Dubash, and if the attainment of the money so placed were to depend on specious art and cunning, the former would not get ten out of the thousand. I shall conclude this long digression with recommending a very circumscribed and cautious confidence to be placed by Europeans — especially those in power — in their native servants. Men who neither have, nor pretend to have, honor themselves^ are not the properest guardians for that of others; and when they are detected in having pursued their interest beyond the strict bounds of justice, the master, how- ever innocent, meets with heavy censure; and though his guilt is short of what an ill-natured public think of it, he deserves blame for having placed confidence where he was not warranted. Lord Cornwallis, whose abilities, joined to the opportunities he had of gaining information on this subject, give his opinion the greatest weight, on all occasions testified his marked disapprobation of employing the natives in a confidential manner, and held the master strictly responsible for the acts of his servants."
Nor is the following less remarkable as an indication of the early growth of those opinions respecting the col- lision of the commercial and political elements in the constitution of the East India Company, and the mex- pediency of sufltering the former to predominate — opinions which came to be moulded into a leadins; article of faith with the disciples of what in after years was called the " Malcolm School" of Indian politicians :
" Economy in a Government is, no doubt, a most laudable quality. But it may easily be carried too far; and, by an im- prudent practice of it in a rigid degree, it is possible, without any injustice, to ruin the country. The Court of Directors give credit to that Governor who realises the best revenue; he gives the same credit to inferior Boards, they to collectors, and so on : thus a system of realising on the public account as much as possible is established; and if a person of a more liberal judgment points out
FAILING HEALTH.
25
the good policy of building granaries, of repairing tanks and roads, of restoring choultries, of walling villages — in short, of any mea- sure that he thinks would tend to the comfort or safety of the in- habitants— that he thinks would alleviate, if not entirely prevent, the horrors they are, from their situation, likely to suffer from war or famine — he is treated as a speculator, and his counsel neglected. In short, they know that the expense attendant on all such schemes would be considerable, and that lessening tlie revenue even for one year is not the way to gain the approbation of their honorable employers."
In the autumn of 1791, John Malcolm fell sick, and was compelled to proceed to the Coast. He had borne up against the summer-heats better than he had ex- pected;* but in November, although there was much stirring work on hand, for Lord Cornwallis was preparing to advance on Tippoo's capital, his health was so shattered by long exposure to the climate, that he was necessitated to quit the Camp and visit Madras.f From the Presi-
* " I have kept my health," lie wrote to his friends at Burnfoot, "as yet, better than could have been expected from being obliged to march at such a season. You will think me a traveller, when I assure you that the thermometer has been upwards of 100 degrees every day since we left Kurpa, and was, the day before yesterday, 110 degrees, in the coolest tent of the lines. We have not had a shower of rain for four months, and have little prospect of being blessed with any for two months to come. The state of the country is indescribable. So many of the inhabitants have already perished from want, that even if a fall of rain would admit of their once more cultivating their country, I am afraid that there are not enough left to per- form the work of cultivation
We have our Camp at present in a thick wood near the hills. We expect daily to move towards our old fort, Copoulee. It and all the countries around it were ceded by the late treaty to the Nizam. The inhabitants found the difference between the mild and just government of Tippoo and the oppressive and weak
management of the Nizam too great to bear. They were plundered by the Nizam's officers, and have, in conse- quence, rebelled. We are to be sent to reduce them — poor wretches ! — to obedience, and to be the instruments of oppression. It is with the utmost dif- ficulty that rice is prociu'ed to supply our troops ; and as the supplying the Camp almost eutii'ely falls on my sta- tion, I cannot now leave Camp, whicli I intend to do as soon as possible, and to pay a visit to my brother and the sea-coast." This letter, like many of Malcolm's at all periods of his career, is without date. How much easier biography would be, if so large a por- tion of its materials were not, for want of some record of the time and place of their birth, utterly valueless without an exercise of inference and analogy very troublesome indeed to the bio- grapher.
f I have not been able to trace tlie precise spot at which he quitted Camp and proceeded to the Coast, but if Mal- colm at this time (the latter end of 1791) was, as Mr. Graeme Mercer re-
26 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
dency, where it would seem that he Avas ahnost tempted to apply for leave on sick-certificate to England, and to take his passage in the 3IcmsJiip^ he wrote to lus mother, on the 9th of January, 1792, " You will learn from other letters the situation of my health. I leave this in fom* hours for Camp. The packet Canada is this instant come from England. I have as yet got no letters, but am just going into the fort along with Mr. Haliburton (at whose gardens I now live) to try and get some, if there are any for me. Mr. Petrie has promised much, and his behaviour to me since I came down to Madras has been very attentive. I have not seen Colonel Harris yet, but will, I hope, soon. He is able to serve me if he has inclination."
And it was well that he did not return to England. Had he done so, he would' have lost an opportunity which might never have been regained. He joined Lord Cornwallis's camp before Seringapatam, and his merits were soon recognised and rewarded by that nobleman. It happened that an officer with some know- ledge of the Persian language was required to act as interpreter to the troops serving with the Nizam ; and Malcolm, then a lieutenant, was selected, on the score of especial fitness, for the post. It is probable that Sir John Kennaway, who accompanied the army, brought his young friend's qualifications to the notice of the Governor-General. Be this as it may, John Malcolm had now planted his foot on the ladder; and from this time, to the close of his career, he was uninterruptedly employed on the Staff.*
lates, " speeling tent-poles with Ed- officer with European and Native corps
monstonCj" lie must have reached the (without ever having one week's leave
head-quarters of the army ; for the of absence) for nine years. In 1792,
latter gentleman was at that time Per- when at Seringapatam, I was appointed
sian translator to Lord CornwalUsj who Persian interpreter to the detachment
was at Bangalore in November. serving with the Nizam by the Marquis
* Nearly thirty years afterwards, Cornwallis, on the express ground of
Malcolm wrote to his old friend, Mr. being the officer with that corps best
Cockburn : " I served as a regimental qualified for the station."
VISIT TO THE COAST. 27
On his return to Camp, he wrote to the family at Burnfoot :
" I wrote you last when I was on my return to Camp, after an absence of two months, which my heakh necessitated me to make. I was very near taking my passage at that time in the Manship, and I almost wish now that I had. I should have been, at this time, most probably enjoying good health and amongst my relations. Don't think that I have any great attachment to those cold regions that you live in — so far from it, that were my relations in India, I never would think of home. When I can afford it a little better than I now can, I will, sans double, take a trip to see my friends, and at the same time renovate a broken constitution.
" When our little Camp was ordered to halt here, we were warned from building, as our stay was supposed to be very uncertain. But this could not prevent a set of men who had been three years in bad tents from housing themselves. In short, we thought it was impossible to pay too dearly for a little comfort, and erected a cantonment of very excellent buildings. My house consists of a hall, bedroom, cook-room, and stable, which cost me about three hundred rupees. I have now been in it six months, and if I moved to-morrow would not repent the expense. I am a hard student at the Persian when other business does not intervene ; and when I meet with a pretty story, shall send a translation home to
my sisters Why don't they think of sending out a
young brother? I want one, that I may play the elder brother and monitor — parts that I am just beginning to learn how to act."
It would seem that soon after his return to Camp, the state of his health little recruited by his brief visit to Madras, compelled him again to repair to the sea-side.*
-« This is stated on the authority of after our campaign, when Malcolm
Mr. Graeme Mercer, who, ui a letter joined us. He was then very unwell,
already quoted in part, says, " On our and his constitution seemed to be so
return to Hyderabad from Seringa- much broken that I strongly ui-ged
patam, I accompanied Sir John Ken- him to get leave to return for some
naway to the sea-coast, to rally a little time to Europe. He took my advice.
28 SUBALTERN-LIFE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
There he met his friends Sir John Kennaway and Mr. Grceme Mercer. The war with Tippoo had been brought to a close before the end of February; and the Residency having returned to Hyderabad, these gen- tlemen had gone down to the Coast to recruit their energies after the fatigues of the campaign. The climate of the country had for some time been doing its sure work upon Malcolm's constitution. He had been much exposed to the sun during the worst season of the year, and his health had suffered to such an extent, that it was beyond the power of a brief sojourn at the sea-side to repair the ravages it had sustained. He was unwilling to return to England, for he believed that he was now in a fair way to rise in his profession. But it was impossible to struggle any longer against the increasing debility which rendered exertion painful, and good public service almost an impossibility. His friends counselled the trial of a milder climate. Sir John Kennaway himself was then about to return to England, and he recommended that Malcolm should accompany him. The good advice was not thrown away. The young soldier sent in his papers, obtained leave of absence, and in the cold season of 1793-94 prepared to embark for England. In the course of February,* the vessel in which he had taken his passage sailed out of the Madras Roads; and under the invigorating influence of the pure breezes on the open sea and the dolce-far-niente of life on shipboard, his health soon began to revive.
Of this homeward voyage I know little, except that he devoted some part of his abundant leisure to the study
and as Kennaway was also returning very of my liealtb, which had suffered
to Europe, Malcohn embarked witli severely from the fatigues to which I
him iu the course of the following had been exposed during the four
season." years that I had been in the field with
* " In 'February, 1704, 1 was obliged the Nizam's detachment."— [i¥>S'. 3Ie-
to embark for England for the reco- morandum.']
THE HOMEWAED VOYAGE. 29
of the Oriental languages, in which he was assisted by his friend Kennaway. That he either quarrelled, or intrigued, or over-ate himself, as men are wont on shipboard, I do not think very probable. But I have little doubt that he promoted and took active part in every frolicsome expedient for relieving the tedium and diversifying the monotony of the voyage, which his own ingenuity or that of his fellow-passengers could devise. Even a retiring Governor-General, embarking in the midst of an un- exampled crisis, has been known to divert himself with pitch-and-toss on the Avay home. And we may fairly assume that "Boy Malcolm" played at ship-billiards and leap-frog on the quarter-deck, and at whist in the cuddy; that he shot Caj^e-hens, haply an albatross or two ; speared porpoises and bonetes, and angled off the poop for sharks. It would have been very much unlike him, not to have been foremost in all such recreations as these.
In the course of July he reached England, from which he had been absent some twelve years. They had been years of toil and trial bravely and hopefully en- countered. He had borne the burden and heat of the day during those years as one of the working officers of the army; and they had made him a good soldier. Henceforth we shall see Mm mainly in the character of a diplomatist and an administrator. But he had learnt much during liis early subaltern-life in Southern India — much that was never foro-otten. The habits and the feel- ing-s of a soldier cluns; to him throusrliout his career. Whatever mi2;ht be his official environments, his heart Avas continually turning with a tender and sympathising interest to the single-poled tent of the regimental officer and the matted hut of the faithful Sepoy.
30 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
CHAPTER III.
FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
[1794—1795.]
RESTORATION OF HEALTH — DETENTION IN LONDON — INTEODUCTION TO GENERAL CLARKE — VISITS TO BURNFOOT AND ALVA — RESOLUTION TO RETURN TO INDIA — ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE VOYAGE — APPOINTMENT TO THE STAFF OF GENE- RAL CLARKE — DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND — CAPTURE OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
The records of John Malcolm's sojourn in England at this time are but scanty. The benefit which he derived from the homeward voyage was so great, that he had scarcely set foot on his native soil before he began to think that he was in a condition to return to India again. Nothing but necessity could keep him away from the scenes on which something within him whispered that he was destined to achieve distinction.
It was great joy to him to be in Eskdale again — to receive the blessmgs of his parents and the embraces of his sisters — and to look with a man's eyes upon the dear old burn and the familiar hills, which had put on their best purple to greet him. But he had work to do in London — not the less imperative because it was not marked out by others, and written down in an order-
STATE OF THE COMPANY'S ARMY. 31
book. So the autumn found him busy in the great me- tropolis ; with his heart at Burnfoot all the same.*
The constitution of the Anglo-Indian army was at this time a prominent subject of investigation and discussion with the authorities of the East India Company and the Crown, and in all military circles throughout India and the mother country. The Company's army had for some time been in an extreme state of depression. It was ridden over at all points by the royal service. The Company's officers did all the drudgery work ; the King's bore all the honors. For the former there was no higher rank than that of colonel. The battalions were commanded by cap- tains. Promotion was intolerably languid. There were no retuing pensions. There was no furlough-pay even for sick officers. This state of things, severely felt as it was throughout the commissioned ranks of the army, had been readily apprehended by the benevolent mind of Lord Cornwallis, who had drawn up a scheme for the reorganisation of the Indian service, which was naturally regarded with extraordinary interest by all whom it con- cerned, both at home and abroad. From the armies of the three Presidencies deputies were despatched to Eng- land to watch the momentous proceedings of the autho- rities; and wherever the English uniform was worn, or
* To one of his sisters he wrote iu " My uncle and I," wi'ote John Mal-
October : " I fear there is little pros- colnij " went to see the new play ; but
pect of my being down in Scotland finding the doors of Coveut Garden
as soon as I expected. The present is Tlieatre not open, we wandered over
a very eventfj^l time for my interests, to Drury Lane, and w"ere tempted iu
and I must attend to it myself, or I to see Shakspeare's As Ton Like It,
cannot expect others will. I want no which was inimitably well performed,
extra-inducements to hasten my return Mrs. Jordan acted Rosalind. She is
to Burnfoot. My inclinations, when incomparable. The plaudits bestowed
I can indulge them, will always lead upon her shook the house ; and she
me there, for rest assured that I drag deserved them all. No one ever copied
a lengthened chain everywhere else." nature with more success. I wish
From another letter, written a week you had her in Langholm for a fort-
afterwards, I may take a brief passage : night." — [Octoher 30, 1794;.]
32 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
men were gathered together who had once worn it, there was this great project earnestly discussed.
It was natural that a question so important in itself, and personally so interesting to every officer of the Company's service, should have engaged at this time much of Mal- colm's attention. He communicated Iris ideas respecting the claims of the Company's officers to many men in autho- rity at home, and appealed to the general Public through the medium of the Press. His first appearance as a public writer was in a long letter signed " Mullagataunay," and published, I believe, in the North Briton^ in which the whole question is considered in a very clear and com- prehensive manner. The grievances under Avhich the Company's officers labored were described, one by one, in language at once forcible and moderate. He dwelt upon the galling fact that no officer of the Indian army could, by the existing system, rise higher than the rank of colonel. He spoke of the services tliat had been ren- dered by men brought up in the bosom of that army — by Lawrence, by Clive, by Smith ; of their knowledge of the manners and languages of the people of India, which gave them " innumerable advantages over a general im- mediately appointed from home;" and asked whether it was just or politic to tell such a body of men that they were not only forbidden to aspire to the chief command,*
* Speaking of the chief command, him equal to the task, liis being a Corn- he said in a subsequent paragraph :" I pany's officer shall be no preclusion freely own that I conceive the station to his being elevated to that distin- of Commander-in-Chief of any of the guished rank. It oughtf on the con- tliree settlements to be one of so serious trary, to give him additional claims." and important a nature, and to involve Sixty years have passed since this was so much responsibility, that I am con- written ; but the invidious distinctiou vinccd the selection of a man for tliat of which Malcolm then complained ofEce will and always should remain in has not yet been practically removed, the hands of the Ministry ; but I liope No officer of the Company's service they will be happy to seize the first has been appointed to the cliief com- 0])portunity that offers of showing that mand of one of our Indian Presi- when they meet with a man whose dencies, up to the time in which I now known abilities and past actions speak write — the summer of 1855.
PAPER ON THE STATE OF THE ARMY. 33
but that they were never to attain any higher rank than that of colonel—" in plain language," he said, " that they were only qualified to fill subordinate stations, and that men educated on the fields of Germany or America should be regularly sent to lead them to victory on the plains of Hindostan." Then he referred to the stagna- tion of promotion in the Company's army. He showed how, in an army lacking the higher grades, and recently subjected to great reductions in the strength of its esta- blishment, the avenues to promotion were necessarily blocked up ; he pointed out that a battalion of Sepoys, as the army was then constituted, of the strength of a King's reginlent, was commanded by a captain and eight subalterns, and that a captain of one of the royal regi- ments, commanding only a company, superseded the Company's officer in command of an entire corps. " To obviate this," he said, " and to give that promotion which the Company's officers have such good reason to expect, it is requested that a lieutenant-colonel, a major, and a similar number of captains and subalterns as are deemed necessary for the discipline and duties of a corps in every other service, be appointed to each Sepoy battalion."* " This measure adopted," he added, " the stream will again flow ; hope will take the place of despondency. The drooping veteran will revive, and anxiously seek an opportunity of showing he is not ungrateful to his country for the notice it has deigned to take of him."
Having brought forward other cogent arguments in support of the expediency of increasing the number of Sepoy officers, Malcolm proceeded to point out the third
* It need hardly be said that the tion made ou the average of the three
reorganisation here spoken of was car- Presidencies, the yonngest major-genc-
ried into effect. But owing to the in- ral woukl have served in India thirty
creased longevity of Indian officers, years," &c. The average age of the
promotion is not more rapid than it major-generals of the Company's service
was under the old system. In this is nowsixty-two; which gives an average
paper Malcolm says: "By a calcula- of more than forty years of service.
VOL. I. D
34 FUKLOUGH TO ENGLi\JTD.
great grievance of the Company's army — the want of proper Furlough and Retiring Reguhitions. He showed that if a Company's officer, on account of ill-health con- tracted, or wounds inflicted in the public service, was necessitated to leave the country for a while, his pay immediately ceased until his return; and that, in conse- quence of the non-existence of any " comfortable and honorable retreat for the wounded and infirm veteran in his native country, he was compelled to pass the rest of a short life in an ungenial climate, banished from his native country and from every one he holds most dear, or return to his friends, after an absence of twenty years, an object of charity, abandoned by those masters in whose service he had lost his blood, or spent his days of vigor and youth." We read of this state of things now as Ave do of the rack or the thumb-screw, with curious anti- quarian interest. The Furlough and Retiring Regula- tions of the East India Company's army are now the most liberal and meet humane that have ever been devised for any military establishment in the world.
Having thus set forth the peculiar grievances of the Company's army, Malcolm declared that there was good reason to believe that they would be speedily removed, as the interests of the Company's army had been en- trusted to good and to true hands :
"It is peculiarly fortunate," he wrote in conclusion, "that those who from their stations must decide on the claims of the Company's army, are men eminently qualified for the task. The Court of Directors are disposed to grant every relief; and Mr. Dundas, President of the Board of Control, has in his plans for the Government of India evinced a most extensive knowledge of the British interests in the East, and has suggested a mode of securing and improving them that does equal credit to liis wisdom and liberality. No man could give a more enlightened opinion upon this subject ; but he, and every other person, seem to turn their eyes upon the Marquis CornwalHs as the person who, from great abilities and recent experience, is best calculated
AFFAIRS OF THE COMPANY S ARMY. 35
to recommend a satisfactory plan for the new modelling of the Indian army. And from whom can the Company's officers expect a more equitable consideration than from that elevated character who for a period of six years had a daily opportunity of observing, and so often gave the most flattering testimonies of liis approbation and admiration of tlieir conduct ? l^o one ever more lamented the grievances be saw they were at times oblie^ed to endure, from the narrowness of the system upon which their service is now established In my opinion, the in- terests of the army cannot be in better hands. I may be accused of being too sanguine, but I shall never cease to think as I now do until the event proves that I have erred."
This paper attracted some notice at the time, and in conjunction with, other communications of a more private character, recommended the Madras subaltern to the consideration of men in authority. Among others who recognised the value of the document, and noticed with commendation the writer, was Mr. Dundas, the President of the Board of Control.* It was the first of those numerous elaborate papers on the military affairs of our Indian Empire, which caused him in time to be regarded as the very first authority on all subjects connected witli the affairs of the Indian army.f Nor at this time were all his efforts made with the pen. He was one of many Company's officers who met in London to deliberate on the affairs of the army. " I will accompany Pulteny to Cambridge to see you if I can," he wrote, on the 21st of
* lu a memorandum of his services, clistinguisliecl characters, in terms flat-
writteu many years afterwards, Mai- teriug to my feeHngs."
colm says : " When in England, cir- f See the latest testimony to this
cumstances led to my making public effect in the speech of Sir Erskine
my sentiments on tlie military arrange- Perry, on the 10th of May, 1855. The
ments for the Company's army, which speaker, however, erred when he cited
were then under discussion ; and the Sir John Malcobn as an authority in
tendency which those sentiments had favor of the amalgamation of the
to inform and satisfy the public mind Queen's and Company's army. This
upon that subject was recognised by subject will be noticed in a subsequent
Lord ISIelville, then President of the chapter of the IMemoii-. Board of Control, and several other
D 2
36 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
October, to his brother Gilbert, then a student at that university, " but I have been attending meetings (no treason) these last two da3^s, and shall be in the same predicament for four or five more. A ship soon leaves this for India, and the Company's officers now in Lon- don are attending to the interests of their fellow-soldiers. You will change your address of Lieutenant to Captain in a month or two."
It would seem that during this sojourn in London he renewed his acquaintance, either personally or b}^ letter, -with General Eoss, who had been secretary to Lord Cornwallis ; and that partly through the General's in- fluence, and partly through that of Colonel Dirom, who had been Quartermaster-General during the first My- sore war, and had written a history of the campaign, he was recommended to the favorable notice of Sir Alured Clarke. That officer was about to proceed as Com- mander-in-Chief to Madras, and appeared not unwilUng to listen to the recommendations which were made to hhn in favor of Lieutenant Malcolm. At what precise period the introduction took place I do not know ; but it led in time to important results, and shaped the whole future of Malcolm's career.
There were others, too, with whom he renewed his acquaintance — his brothers Pulteny and James. They arrived from the West Indies in October, and John met them with a full heart, delighted to embrace them again. Both were on the high road to distinction. It was a happy meeting, made happier by the circumstances that, during his brief visit to London, Lord Chatham, then First Lord of the Admiralty, made Pulteny a post- captain, and soon afterwards appointed him to the com- mand of the Fox*
The family pictures of the young sailor drawn at this
* " I was fully resolved to visit Cam- put it out of my power by appointing bridge, but yesterday Lord Chatham me to the Fox, well mauued and ready
FAMILY PICTUEES. 37
time are very charming. " I never saw Pulteny look so well," wrote one of his sisters from Burnfoot, to which he paid a brief visit in November. "He is very hand- some, and has the most open, manly comitenance I ever saw. His manner is uncommonly cheerful, and he pos- sesses a flow of good-humoured raillery. He Avill be the delight of every party he enters. He only stayed with us one week."
Of James, too, " our open-hearted, generous James," these sisters wrote in terms of lovmg eulogy. And what said they of John ? We may be sure he did not appear less attractive in their eyes. " I dare say," wrote one sister to brother Gilbert, then studying at Cambridge, " you are longing for a letter about our Indian brother. The cause of our silence is really the delight we take in that brother, which makes us regret every moment we are absent from him. When every one prepared us to love and admire him, we scarcely dared hope our ex- pectations would be fulfilled; and I must not hesitate to pronounce them surpassed." "I do not think I have written to you," wrote another sister to Gilbert, " since I had the pleasure of becoming acquainted with this most excellent brother, of whom I think more highly than I can express. His heart, head, disposition and manners, are truly excellent. Any one of them taken separately, and placed among even unpleasant qualities, would render a character worthy of admiration ; but when united, as in his attractive person, they form a character that does honor to the human race. Your friend Mrs. Elliot Avrites of him in the highest terms ; and Mr. John- stone says he is the finest young man he ever saw." Good reason, indeed, had those young Eskdale lassies
for sea. I shall join her to-morrow, liglitful. Nowhere do I find such a
John is with me, and will, I hope, ac- house." In the Fo.v, Pulteny Malcolm
company me to Portsmouth. The few carried out Colonel Artluir Wellesley
days I spent at Burnfoot were de- (the Duke of Wellington) to India.
38 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
to be proud of three such brothers as James, Puheny, and John Malcohii !
Nor were these all of whom something must be said in this place. George Malcolm, it has been stated, had ten sons. Eobert, the eldest, as has been shown, was in the Madras Civil Service. Then followed James, Pulteny, and John. Thomas, the fifth son, was engaged in mercantile affairs ; and two younger brothers, David and William, were in training for a similar line of life. Another son, George, a Lieutenant in the Navy, had died early in this year (1794) of yellow fever, at the boyish age of eighteen.* Charles, then a boy, was to enter the same service under Pulteny's protection ; and Gilbert, the sixth son, was then a student at Cam- bridge ; a youth of promising talents, amiable disposition, and unostentatious piety, Avhich ripened into the perfec- tion of a character suited to the career that was marked out for him — the peaceful career of a country clergyman.
* The death of George cast a broad day's post, this hojoe will vanish. Were shadow over the famil}' party at Burn- we to hint to my lather our hopes that foot, and filled every member of it John may arrive in tolerable health, he not only with grief for the dead, but would consider us wanting in feeling." fear for the living. Pulteny and — " Pulteny, I fear, is in the greatest James were in the West Indies, within danger. That fatal fever still rages, the influence of the yellow fever, and May our Almighty God preserve him. John,by the last accounts, in bad health What a shock George's death will be in the East. In a family of seventeen to James on his arrival. But nothing children, it was a proof of the signal is to be compared with what poor favor of tlie Almighty that death up Pulteny must have felt on going on to tliis time had not once broken in board the Fenelope to see him for the upon their liappiness. But for the last time." — " We had two of the veiy reason, perhaps, that they were kmdest letters from uncle John (Bas- so favored they felt the blow most ley). He is very anxious, he allows, severely when it came. The family about John, but he will not suffer a letters, written early in 1794, contain gloomy thought on the subject. God many such passages as tlicsc : " We grant he may reach ns in tolerable have many causes of alarm at present, liealth." — He arrived in such ex- You would observe the arrival of the cellent liealth and admirable condition Queen Cliarlotte. She seems to have that many jokes were cut at his ex- spoken with several homeward-bound pense. One of the Directors of the ships, in one of which we hope John Company, on seeing him, observed, may be. Sometimes we flatter our- drily, that " the Indian gentlemen have selves that Bobert or John may have a happy knack of recovering their written, but if no letters come by this health on the voyage."
RESOLUTIOX TO RETURN. 39
Nor were the sisters of the family unworthy of their brothers. "You said a great deal," wTote John to a member of the family, " but I now think that you gave but a cold description of Burnfoot and its inhabitants." He Avas as much pleased with them as they were with him. The meeting could not have been a happier one.
But the happiness was only too brief. The young soldier spent his Christmas at Burnfoot ; and it would seem that, dming the visit, he finally resolved to return to India in the course of the ensuing spring, with a good prospect of accompanying General Clarke as secretary or aide-de-camp. From Burnfoot he went to Edhiburgh, and thence to Alva, the estate of the John- stones. From that place he wrote to one of his sisters at Burnfoot, on the 18th of January:
" You don't seem pleased with my resolution to return to India; but I am sure I will convince you when we meet that I have not only acted a prudent part, but that I should have been highly culpable had I done otherwise. I applied to Mr. Bell, and rather exaggerated than diminished in my account of both my past and present ailings ; and his opinion was decided and positive for me to go. ' There is a tide in the affairs of men,' &c., and I like to go with the tide in my favor. I have tugged against it in my day.
" My uncle John, in answer to my letter from Burnfoot, strongly objects to my return, and urges much against it. In his answer to a very full one I wrote from Edinburgh, he allows that the reasons I give for the part I then determined to act were un- answerable, and that he could not but approve. I am yet in the dark with regard to General Clarke's motions, but must be in London before the middle of February. If^go with him (there is much virtue in your if), most undoubtedly it Avill be as one of
his family I pass my time very pleasantly here.
I keep much within doors for two reasons : — 1st. The continual fall of snow for some days past has rendered both riding and walking disagreeable. 2ndly. My legs are quite recovered, and I wish not to induce a relapse by too early exertions. I am sorry I was not at home to see and hear Catherine Armstrong. Tell Minny that she speaks of her so highly, that I will waive all con-
40 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
siderations of caste, and do hereby empower her to open a treaty of matrimony between her and me." — [Alva, January 18, 1795.]
I am told tliat during this winter he attended some of the college classes in Edinburgh, to which attractive city he returned after his visit to Alva. There are those now living who remember him at that time as a light-hearted, amusing young man of five-and-twenty, with a great thirst after knowledge, and a prodigious memory. He would give the substance, often the very words of a lecture which he had heard, with extraordinary accu- racy, or repeat a sermon (sometimes imitating the pe- culiar manner of the preacher) with equal fidelity. The society of Edinburgh delighted him. It need hardly be said that he was hospitably entertained in a city where every man of good character and intelligence is sure to be hospitably entertained. "You are ac- quainted with this town," he wrote to his brother Gil- bert, on the 22nd of February. " It is, in my opinion, one of the most agreeable I ever was in. Probably the flattering attention I have met with makes me a partial judge. But as there is no place in the world where such encouragement is given to literary men, so I believe there are nowhere to be found men of more deep learning and science. Learning is a plant cultivated in proportion to the demand. Independent of the medical line, the law, and some others, the numerous professors' chairs hold out rewards both of fame and fortune to the aspiring youth I have been both instructed and enter- tained by a casual attendance at some of their classes. I have given up a good deal of my time to the Oriental Professor, a sensible, modest man. His name is Mudie. I have read Persian Avith him whenever I have had a leisure hour, and have found him grateful to a degree for the little instruction I could give him. I was so happy as to be made acquainted with Dr. Blair, and was in the
SELF-CULTIVATION. 41
habit of paying liim frequent visits, until our intercourse was interrupted by a severe misfortune happening to him. His Avife, a partner of forty-six years, fell a victim to the severity of the weather."*
A boy who goes out to India at the age of twelve can carry little education with him. John IMalcolm had long felt the want of scholastic training, and had been endeavouring to compensate for it by assiduous self- cultivation, carried on as it always must be under diffi- culties, amidst the turmoil of the camp. The idea of improving his mind had been ever present to him when he turned his thoughts tOAvards home, and had had no small share in inducing him to return to England. " The satisfaction of seeing my relations and the improvement of myself," he wrote to his mother, f "exclusive of the perfect re-establishment of my health, are very great inducements to a man of my way of thinking." " My favorite amusement," he said, in the same letter, " is reading; and being assisted with a good memory, I seldom have occasion to read a Avork twice. Of all reading I prefer history. It pleases most upon reflection, and the impressions it makes are more lasting. Poetry is a pleasant relaxation, but I believe I expose my Avant of taste when I confess that there are very foAV poets that I can dwell upon Avith much satisfaction. I have for some years past made the languages of this country my
* The winter was a vei-y severe one. yet I believe it was to them I owe ;^,
In this letter Malcolm says that he was as they led me to pui-sue my amuse-
detained at Edinburgh " by an irre- ments with but too little consideration
gular sally of this charming climate to my health, which was first im-
for the short space of tliirty-two days." paired by a too frequent exposure to
f In this letter, written before liis the climate in hunting, shooting, &c.
departure from India, Malcolm says : As I grow older I shall grow steadier,
" I left you all so very yomig that you and pui-sue both my amusements and
must have but a faint recollection of my studies witli less warmth, and very
me ; and what a pleasure it would be probably with more advantage. I have
to see again those who are so dear to sincerely told you wliat I am, and
mc ! I have a flow of spirits that though I have many foibles, I trust I
never leave me ; and though they have have few vices." supported me through a long illness,
42 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
study, more with the hope of their being useful than entertaining, as thek knowledge is very confined, and nothing new to be met with amongst them. I lament much the want of a branch of education which never ought to be neglected in the forming an officer — a com- plete knowledge of mathematics and 'drawing. I have labored a good deal to improve myself in these sciences, but the want of proper masters has prevented me from attaining any proficiency m them. If I w^ere ever to revisit my native country I should apply myself closely to these studies." And that he did all that he could do when the time came to fulfil these intentions we may be sure. But great as was his desire to improve himself by entering upon a new academical career, his opportunities were but scanty. The w^uiter was scarcely over w^hen he found himself agam in London. All doubts, not only as regarded his return to India, but the situation in which he w^as to return, had passed away. He was to go out again to Madras, not as an unconnected subaltern, but as a member of the Staff of the Commander-in-Chief. " I go to India this season," he wrote at the end of March, " and shall have been about eight months in my own country before I embark for the East again. But I have not lost one hour of the eight months. Every day has been more joyful than yesterday. I look forward with apprehension to that period when I shall be less alive (for I never can be dead) for those feelings which have made me so happy since I came to Britain." At the end of April he w^as busily occupied with the necessary arrangements for his voyage. " My de- parture is yet uncertain," he wrote to Burnfoot on the 28th, "but I am determined the arrangement of my little matter shall not be put off to the last day, and am therefore now despatching my trunks for Portsmouth."
The tune for his departure was, however, very near. Whether he had, before shipping his lighter goods for
DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND. 43
Portsmouth, taken lecave of his family at Burnfoot, or whether, previous to his embarkation, he was able to pay another visit to Eskdale, does not very clearly appear. The parting must have been a painful one ; for at the age to which his parents had now attained there was little hope of his ever seeing them again. The benedic- tion which he then received he well knew would be the last in the flesh. The spirit might often go forth to bless him ; but those venerable hands had now per- formed their office for ever.
In the month of May he embarked at Portsmouth. " I have this moment," he wrote on the 14th of that month, " received orders to go on board, as our ship is getting under weigh. I am ax)pointed Secretary to General Clarke, on a secret expedition. My prospects are very flattering." The vessel in which he sailed formed part of a considerable fleet of Company's ships, conveying a large body of European troops to India under the General's command. Of the early part of the voyage I have no private records. It is to be gathered from public despatches* that the fleet stretched out to the coast of South America, and was detained for some time at St. Salvador.f At the beginning of Sep- tember they sighted the western coast of the Cape of Good Hope, and at daybreak on the 4th looked out upon the picturesque many-coloured hills sloping down to St. Simon's Bay, in which they Avere securely anchored.
The colony was then in the very crisis of its fate. Its destiny, trembling in the balance, was decided by the opportune arrival of the troops under General Clarke. Whether the Cape of Good Hope was thenceforth to be a Dutch or an English settlement was the great prac- tical question now to be solved. General Craig and Ad- miral Keith Elpliinstone had been for some time main-
* General Clarke to Mr. Dundas, in the Annual Register for 1794. I Baliia.
44 rUKLOUGII TO ENGLAND.
taining an unequal contest with the Dutch burghers ; and never were reinforcements more welcome than those which Clarke now brought to their aid. But I may leave the story to be told by Malcolm himself, who Avas a witness and a participator in the events which trans- ferred the Cape colony to hands by ^vhich it has ever since been retained :
" We ancliored," he wrote in a long narrative and descriptive memorandum, drawn up shortly afterwards, " in Simon's Bay, on the night of the 3rd of September. The General, &c., went on shore next day to see Sir George Elphinstone, whose squadron was lying there. We were soon informed that they were at open war with the Dutch, who had refused to accept of the favorable terms which Sir George and General Craig had offered them. The latter, with a little army of about 2000 men, principally sea- men, was encamped at a place called Muysemburg (seven miles from Simon's Town, on the road to the Cape), from which a party had been driven five weeks previous to our arrival, by the fire of some ]nen-of-war sent for the purpose. It had not been judged proper to advance further. Frequent skirmishes had taken place, in which three men on our side had been killed, and three officers and seventeen or eighteen privates wounded. Both fleet and army were in anxious expectation of our appearance, as they had lost all hopes of succeeding without our aid. No time was lost in landing our three regiments and artillery. They were marched immediately to Muysemburg. Their junction made the whole about 5000 men, 3000 of which were soldiers. The remainder Avere sailors and marines.
" Our greatest difficulty was the transporting provisions to camp. They were carried in boats within two miles of the camp, and from that on the soldiers' backs. The sea at times run very high in the bay to which the boats came, which rendered the task very arduous. But the decided and zealous admiral soon surmounted this difficulty, and principally from his exertions we were en- abled to march on the morning of the 14th, with four days' pro- visions on our men's backs. Eight days' provisions and a quantity of military stores were left under the charge of a strong party at Muysemburg.
" The army marched in two columns. The 'principal, with
CAPTURE OF THE CAPE. 45
wliicla were the Commander-in-Chief and Major-General Craiir, consisted of 3000 men. With it were ten 6-pounders and two howitzers. Its route was the high road for Cape Town. The otlier cokimn, consisting of 1600 men and two 6-pounders, com- manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, marched to the left, to scour the country in that direction. The grenadiers and liglit infantry were detached to the front, and on the right flank of the main column ; and the corps of marines covered the left. Before this column had advanced five hundred yards we observed scat- tered parties of Burgher horse preparing to annoy our right flank. They were mounted on small but active horses, and were armed with long guns. Some of them had attendants on foot who carried a second firelock. They appeared to have no discipline ; and any person who had seen irregular cavalry must instantly have concluded them to be a very contemptible enemy. These Burghers were the farmers of the country, who were far the most violent party against any terms being entered into with us. Un- accustomed to fire at anything but roebucks or ostriches till our an'ival, they were eager to try their hand at ' new game,' as thev used scoffingly to call our troops. They had met with petty successes against the advanced party of General Craig's little army, who-ge prudent conduct in not advancing against Cape Town till General Clarke's arrival they readily construed into a fear of their prowess. " But all their golden dreams were doomed to vanish on this day. Though the groimd was particularly favorable for the species of warfare they carried on — high sand-hills covered with brushwood, and intersected with deep lagunes, which were only fordable at particular places, which they knew, and of which we were ignorant — they no sooner perceived that our troops were not intimidated by their fire, but advanced as rapidly as the ground would permit, than they fled from one height to another, keeping up an irregular fire, seldom nearer tlian a quarter of a mile. This skirmishing continued for nearly four miles. The country then opened, and we came to a level plain, about a mile and a half in breadth. On the other side was the hill, or rather eminence of Little Wyndburg. To this, after a little galloping about the plain, the Burgher horse retreated, and joined a party of infantry who were already formed on the summit. Their number appeared altogether nearly 1200 — 400 of whicli were cavalry. They had nine field-pieces. The post they occupied was very strong by nature, and the high road lay immediately
46 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
througli the centre of their line. It was possible, as I afterwards found from observation, to have passed to the right of Wyndburg and out of reach of their cannon. But this circumstance was not known at the time to any one in our camp.
" We halted at the beginning of the plain for the column under Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, who, from want of proper guides, had been much detained. They joined abaut four o'clock, and the whole immediately advanced.
" A detachment of 800 men, under Lieutenant-Colonel Mac- kenzie, were ordered to turn the enemy's left flank; and one of 600j under Lieutenant-Colonel M'Murdo, to turn their right; while the remainder advanced in two lines to attack in front. They opened their guns before they corJd reach us; when we were nearer, some of our field-pieces were advanced, and opened a brisk and well-directed fire, which very soon threw them into confusion ; on which the corps composing the front line were ordered to advance. Alarmed at this, and at the appearance of the parties on their flanks, the enemy took flight. Having excel- lent cattle, they easily drew ofi" their guns. Our advanced corps pursued them till they reached the Great Wyndburg. Here, as it was dark, the General ordered the whole to halt and lie on their arms for the night. We found the casualties of the day had been very trifling — particularly considering the great noise that had been made. One man killed and about twenty wounded (two of whom are since dead) on our part; and a few more on that of the Dutch.
"The fugitives carried the alarm into the town; and at ten o'clock at night a flag came from Governor Sluyskin, &c.j re- questing a truce for forty-eight hours : one for twenty-four was granted. General Craig met some commissioners from Cape Town half-way from Camp on the morning of the 15th, when the capitu- lation was agreed upon; and on the 16th the fort, the ordnance stores, &c., were taken possession offer his Britannic Majesty.
" Nothing could have been more fortunate than the termination of this affair. Had the original terms oflered by Sir George Elphinstone and General Craig (before the arrival of our fleet) been accepted, our commanders would have been tied down to the invidious task of supporting a system of government deservedly odious to almost all classes. The divided authority of the civil government, under the Prince of Orange, and the military, under his Britannic Majesty, would have proved a continual source of
LETTER TO HIS SISTER. 47
discord. No blame can be infeiTed from this on these two com- manders, who acted under direct orders from home, and whose primary object was to get possession by any means. The force they had was not equal to the reduction of it ; and the arrival of our fleet in time was uncertain. On the other hand, had they obliged us, by continuing an infatuated resistance, to attack the lines, the consequences would have been dreadful. Our success would have been certain; and no power could have restrained an army composed, like ours, of wild sailors, and raw — I might almost say undisciplined — soldiers, from carnage and plunder. Of their tendency that way we had sufficient proofs. General Clarke, by taking every precaution possible, prevented any depredations of consequence.
" We were no sooner in possession of the place than the com- manders began to try by every means in their power to quiet the minds of the inhabitants, to conciliate their affection, and to reconcile them to the sudden change of government. This, to judge from outward appearance, they were successful in; for, in a very few days, all seemed restored to its former state. The women, who had mostly fled to the country on hostilities com- mencing, returned. Even the most violent Burghers, allured by the prospect of gain, began to bring in their cattle. Every man followed his former occupation, and a stranger would not have believed a change had happened."
From tliis memorandum of public events, which con- tains one of tlie clearest narratives of the circumstances attending the surrender of the Cape which I have ever read, we may turn now to the record of Malcolm's indi- vidual impressions. In a passage of a letter to his eldest sister we see not only what he thought of the Cape and its people, but what he thought of his situation on the General's Staff, and how he was employed during the two months wliich elapsed before his departure :
" I remain behind with the General, and do not expect to leave this before the 15th of November. My situation with General Clarke is everything that I could wish. He is a man of a stamp not often met with — mild and gentlemanhke in his manners, clear and just in his own conduct. He is a declared foe to all dark dealings and to peculation; and in everything that
48 FURLOUGH TO ENGLAND.
regards the Government he is scrupulously just beyond any man I ever knew. He never will, I am convinced, himself make an' indirect halfpenny; nor allow any person whom he can control to do it. This is a proper man for an Indian to be with, for you know we are all reported to have very different sentiments. He carries on a good-humoured war Avith my negligent habits, and my desire to please him makes me endeavour to conquer them. I never was a swearer; but I can venture to say I never now, even in an unguarded moment, let slip an oath. He abominates the practice.
" This is a charming place — not very large, but uncommonly neat- and clean. The appearance is like the best part of Glasgow. Their meat, vegetables, and fruit, are superior to (those of) any country I ever was in ; and their wines, of which they have great variety, are excellent. Had I been i-icli enough, I would have purchased some Constantia; but it is very dear, so I must there- fore defer for a short period sending a pipe to Burnfoot.
" The inhabitants of the town are a cheerful, good-humoured people — rather too phlegmatic; not so mad as I could wish them, but on the whole make an agreeable society for sober-minded people. The Dyong-Frows are some of them very pretty — play on the harpsichord, and dansc bien tolerable. They appeared more lovely when their decent modest manners* were contrasted with the ridiculous extravagance, both in dress and manners, of some young ladies escaped from a London seminary on their flight to India, to lead the fashions there, whose behaviour made me blush for them. I was at great pains to assure all I was ac- quainted with that they were very different from the young ladies in general in Great Britain
" I have got an honorable, but troublesome, employment in recruiting men out of the prisoners of war for the service of the Company in India. A set of finer fellows I never knew — all Germans. I have been very successful. I have hitherto acted together with Lieutenant Owen from Bengal; but as he sails to- morrow, the whole business falls on my shoulders. I expect in a month to have upwards of 200 for Madras. Nearly 300 are already embarked for Bombay and Bengal."
• Lady Andrew Barnard, ulio went dcsty of the young ];idies of the Cape,
to the Cape with Lord Macartney two "WHiatever their manners may liave
years afterwards, gave a very iiufavor- been, it seems that tlicir morals were
able account of the decency and mo- execrable.
THE STAFF AT MADEAS. 49
CHAPTER IV.
THE STAFF AT MADRAS.
[1796— 179S.]
APPOINTMENT TO THE STAFF OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF — THE MILITARY SECEETAKYSHIP — LETTERS TO BURNFOOT — DEPARTURE OF SIR ALURED CLARKE — APPOINTMENT TO THE STAFF OF GENERAL HARRIS — DEPARTURE OF LORD HOBART — THE TOWN-MAJOESHIP OF FORT ST. GEORGE.
On his return to India in the cold season of 1795-96, John Malcolm found himself still a lieutenant. But as Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief, he was in a better position than many a much older officer. And how happ}' and contented he was (in all respects but that of separa- tion from his family), the following hastily-written, but characteristic letters to Bumfoot, plainly declare :
JOHN MALCOLM TO HIS MOTHER.
Madras, Feb. 6, 179G. My dear Mother, — Although I am told that the ships will not sail for near a fortnight, I shall seize this leisure moment to write to you. I am well, and situated in every respect as I could wish. I am secretary to General Clarke, wdio is, without excep- tion, one of the best men I ever knew. The employment is of that nature as to leave me hardly one idle moment — all the better you will say ; and all the better I say. The sight of all of you at home has filled my breast wath emulation to be worthy of such relations. Bob will be rewarded for all his trouble in a princely VOL. I. E
'50 THE STAFF AT MADEAS.
manner. He is, to a positive certainty, to be nominated Com- mercial Resident at Vizagapatara, an appointment worth 4000?. a year. His prospects now are great, and it is fortunate for all who have claims upon him, for he has a noble heart. In disposition, he resembles more his father than any of the others, as I have often told you — anxious and warm, but only for the moment.
'Tis a serious disappointment to both our not being destined soon to meet, for I have a thousand things to communicate which I never can by letter, though I (should) give him one once a
day
Ever your affectionate son,
John Malcolm.
to his sistek mina.
Madi-as, Aug. G, 1796.
My dear MiNNY, — .... Experience makes wise. I have determined to surmount all that dread that used to attach to the writing of Europe letters, and though I may now and then honor the seniors of the family with a production, you insignificant folks shall have nothing but hasty, uncorrected effu- sions. These shall be short, but frequent. My present situation leaves me but little time at my own disposal; but we must be attendant and dependent upon the will of others before we can expect attendance and dependence on our own.
Bob is well, and must soon be a man of affluent fortune. Jack is on the road to preferment, but not of a lucrative nature. If he has good luck, he will be able to show hundreds for Bob's thou- sands, ten years hence. Fortune was pictured blind, but she was clear-sighted when she made your elder brother one of her fa- vorites. He has not a thought of the value of money but as it enables him to indulge the dictates of his noble disposition. I would give the world for a month's leisure to go and see him
I have hardly wrote a line of poetry since I left you. My time is so completely engaged, and it is, perhaps, one of the most idle amusements in the world. Should (which is very probable) my next situation give me more employment than this, I will com- mence encore, and sing you all to sleep. . . , . Stephy mentions a long letter from you, in which you give a description of a Miss Coates and a Miss Munro. The latter I have seen. Her
DEPARTURE OF SIR A. CLARKE. 51
brother Tom* is a constant correspondent of mine. He is an uncommon clever fellow.
Ever yours most affectionately,
J. M.
At this time Sir Jolm Shore was Governor-General of India. Lord Hobart was Governor of Madras. And Sir K. Abercromby was Commander-in-Chief of Bengal. In the beginning of 1797, the last-named officer resigned his command, and Sir Alured Clarke stood appointed to succeed him. The vacancy thus created at Madras was filled by the appointment of General Harris, who was then at Calcutta, to the command of the Coast army. Early in the month of March, 1797, Sir Alured Clarke sailed for Bengal; and General Harris, on assuming the duties of his new office, appointed his predecessor's mili- tary secretary to the same situation on his own staff.
There were circumstances, with the precise nature of which I am not acquainted, to place it out of the power of Sir Alured Clarke to appoint Malcolm his military secretary at the Chief Presidency.f But, attached as the
* The late Sir Thomas Muni'o. tolOOO rupees per mouth for pay, batta, ■f The appointment of Secretary to and house-rent, as Secretary ; and you the Commander-in-Chief of Bengal was, would have the management of the in those days of splendid contracts and military dawk without the provinces, nmnificent jobs, a most lucrative one, which is worth 2500 to 3000 per month. The following extract from a letter The allowance for laying the dawk is vsritten to ]Malcolm by a friend at 2700 rupees, and the expense does Lucknow exhibits, in a very amusing not exceed 400, which is more than manner, the perquisites of office : defrayed by the postage of letters. " At the same time that I shall be Taking your advantagesat 3500 rupees, disappointed in not seeing you in and supposing General Clarke will re- Bengal, I am very glad that it will be main three years in Bengal, I cannot owing to yoiu* having secured a com- help thinking it would be much to fortable and advantageous situation at your advantage to come round with Madras. In your readuiess to sacrifice liim. You would be able to save a a splendid prospect' to secure a mo- lakh of rupees; nor, after having ful- derate advantage, you have shown filled the respectable situation of Se- your good sense ; but it is possible cretary to the Commander-in-Chief, you may not be aware of all the ad- would yon find any difficulty in obtain- vantages which belong to the Secre- ing an appointment at Madras of equal tary of the Commander-in-Chief in value with your present one whenever Bengal. You would receive from SOO you chose to return to that establish-
E 2
52 THE STAFF AT LIADEAS.
latter was to liis old master,* he found his new position as secretary to General Harris an agreeable one; and his letters, whilst a member of that excellent man's family, are full of cheerfulness and buoyancy of spirit. "You, with all the rest," he wrote to one of his sisters on the 15th of March, 1797, "will be rejoiced at my good for- tune, the particulars of which I have wrote to my father. Pulteny is ordered to Bengal, which, though it disap- points my expectation of seeing him soon, I am happy at, as it aifords him an opportunity of refreshing his crew, who are mostly ill of the scurvy; and he has already seen his elder brother. The family I am now in is an uncommon pleasant one. The General appears every- thing that is honest and worthy — Madame, an amiable, good woman; and Mademoiselle, sensible, pleasing, and unaffected. This is a sketch on a very short acquaint- ance. I promise that you shall become acquainted with
them as fast as I do General Clarke left us
on the 6th instant. I never felt more than in parting with him. His attention to me was excessive; and I
meiit." — [3Ir. George Jolmstone, Luck- Malcolm. Mr. Lusliiugtou, indeed,
now, to Lieut. John Malcolm ; October tells us that Lord Harris, " after a
26, 179G.] sliort experience of his position iu the
From the date of this letter, it would Council of Madras, felt that the mili-
appear that Malcolm had secured the tary patronage was so entirely iu the
succession to the military secretaryship hauds of the Civil Government, as to
at Madi'as as far back as the autumu be detrimental to the public service."
of 1796. But Mr. Lushiugtou, in his This would appear to be the true solu-
Life of Lord Harris, says that " iu the tiou of the difficulty, month of January, 1797, he (Harris) * The attachment was reciprocal,
received at Calcutta the unexpected Su* Alurcd, soon after his departure,
intelhgence of his appointment to wi-otc to Malcolm, saying, " Lord Ho-
command the army of Madras." This bart, I hope, M'ill continue his friendly
seeming discrepancy miist be accounted attention to you. Mine you may always
for ou the hypothesis, either that the rely upon. For, to be sincere, long
allusion in Mr. Johnstone's letter is acquaintance has satisfied mc that the
to the Towu-Majorship of Madras, the rectitude of your head and heart eu-
reversion of which may have been se- title you to expect and receive from
cured to him by Lord Hobart ; or that mc ail those good offices which the par-
the gift of the Military Secretaryship tiality of your other friends wished me
was m the hands of tlie Governor, and to show you when we first met." had been promised by him to John
GENERAL HARRIS'S FAMILY. 53
have every I'eason to believe that he was as sorry to leave me as I was to stay. He condescended to tell me the circumstances which placed it out of his power to make my situation in Bengal equal to what it was in Madras ; and in a point where my interest was the chief thing consulted, attending him was out of the question. I sin- cerely hope that he will return, as I have good reason to think it will be seriously for my advantage ; and I am sure he is a man who, from his just and dispassionate character, is peculiarly fitted to shine in a high civil
station I keep my health uncommonly well
— rather inclined to get too stout. However, the con- stant exercise I use will prevent that, in some degree. . . . . I am not fond of going out visiting at night. The truth is, I get sleepy. I fear that this is a symptom of age. To-night I am on duty, having the honor of attending Mrs. and Miss Harris to return about a dozen
visits. I wish it were over You know I
can be the most serious man on earth when I assume that character. I have not found that necessary for more than five hours of my life, and I hope that I may laugh through the remainder as happily. Laughing or crying,, I always am your affectionate brother."
It may be gathered from his letters that John IMalcolm w^as never more in a " laughing" mood than at this period of his life. He had good health, good spirits, and good prospects. He was still " Boy Malcolm;" and he wrote both to his friends in India and to dear old Burnfoot in a strain which must have imparted something of its own cheerfulness to the recipients of his laughing epistles. A young officer on the staff of a governor or commander-in- chief leads a careless, though not an idle life. He is in the midst of public affairs, but he is scarcely of them. He sees history, but does not act it. He has all the excitement, but none of the responsibilities of greatness.
54 THE STAFF AT MADRAS.
He shares the pomp, but not the troubles of office. -John Malcolm at this tune saw little of diplomacy, except its ceremonials; and at these he could afford to laugh. The following letters — the first of which relates to a grand public interview between the Governor of Madras and the Nabob of the Camatic* — are - significant of the elasticity and sunny-heartedness of the writer at this time:
JOHN MALCOLM TO COLONEL CLIFFE.
Madras, April 7, 1797.
My dear Cliffe, — It is some time since I wrote to you, and had matters gone on without any extraordinaries, I should have been silent longer — but we have had this morning a grand cere- mony. To do it justice by description exceeds my ability; but I Avill attempt to give you an idea of it.
At nine o'clock, all Company's servants assembled in the Go- vernor's house in the Fort, and at ten the procession set out for the Nabob's. Josiah Webbe, Esq., the Grand Secretary, went first in a palanquin. He bore on his knees a silver salver, curiously carved, on which lay a gold-embroidered purse that contained the important letter from the Company to the Nabob. It was followed by a party of troopers, who preceded the Right Honor- able Lord Baron Hobart, who rode in a state-coach, attended by aides-de-camp Beresford and Burroughs ; after which, in a chariot, came Lieutenant-General Harris, accompanied by Major Gardiner ; next Colonel John Richardson, in a bandy, with an ornamented hood ; and after him Captains Young and Mal- colm, i<n a neat Calcutta buggy. Mr. Councillor Saunders and Postmaster- General Rowley followed in a post-chaise. Colonel Close, Adjutant-General of the Army, in a palanquin, covered the left flank of the select line; Mr. Private-Secretary Adderley the right; whilst their rear was protected by the body-guard, under Lieutenant Montgomery, whose gallant appearance and active
* Oomdut-ool-Omrali, His prcde- until the spring of 1797 that tlie cus-
cessor, Mahomet Ali, died in 1795. tomary congratulations of the Home
But commuuication in Europe was Government on the accession of the
tardy in those days ; and it was not new Prince reached Madras.
LETTER TO COLONEL CLIFFE. 55
exertions on tliis occasion it would be unpardonable to pass in silence.
Various ambitious characters attempted to gain the head of his guard and crowd on the first line — but in vain. He wheeled and charged in every direction to oppose their progress, whilst his bright sword divided the air, and lightning flashed from his eyes. His words, like his actions, denoted the fury of his soul. His enemies fled before him. Two only dared to tempt his rage. The first was the great Westcott, who sate in a sea-colored car, drawn by two fiery duns. He called to his charioteer to lash his impatient coursers. His high mind revolted at remaining so long behind. His faithful charioteer obeyed, and the pride of both mounted for a moment, like the dust they raised, as they flew along. " Stop — nor attempt to move beyond thy present sta- tion," pronounced with a voice of authority by one whose half- lifted sabre showed the charter on which he acted, met their astonished ears. The affrighted charioteer pulled his reins; and though the pale, quivering lip of his master showed the anguish of his soul, he fell back silent and confounded.
Not dismayed by his friend's defeat was the portly Ben (Roe- buck*), whilst he reclined at length in a painted litter. He ordered his attendants, who at once carried and guarded him, to poise their sharp-pointed pikes (which were adorned with beautiful tassels), and advanced to the foremost ranks. They shouted, and rushed to the war. Their glittering arms and their numbers would have appalled the boldest heart ; but they affected not our hero's. He singly charged the phalanx. They were dismayed. Their coward hearts sunk, and the weapons which they had wielded in their pride fell from their nerveless grasp. In vain did their lord encourage and reproach — in vain did he give bitter taunts to the foe. They bore him from the field of danger to a place of safety, grumbling like the shaggy tenant of Siberia's Avild when his head is wounded by the arrow of the hunter. The defeat of these heroes deterred all others from a similar fate ; and a motley throng, numerous as the stars, followed contented the troop of warriors.
* Mr. Roebuck was an aldermau of the Mayor's Court, and father of the present member for Sheffield.
5Q THE STAFF AT MADRAS.
I have mounted and rode very hard, and am only arrived at the Nabob's outer gate. Perliaps I may take another spurt at the close; but at present, with your leave, Colonel, I will walk, which, indeed, most parties did, to the palace. We passed through a street of troops, who presented their arms to this won- derful letter as it was carried near them. When at the inner gate, the Nabob advanced to meet the GcJvernor, who briefly explained the purport of his visit. We followed the great men into the dewan-khaiia, or hall of audience, in the centre of which was a small carpet with silken cushions, covered by a golden canopy, supported by painted pillars, and hung round with blue lustres. Under this his Highness led the Lord; and, whilst Gene- rals, Counsellors, and other distinguished personages pressed near, Mr. Secretary Webbe read the honored letter in a clear and audible tone.
You, no doubt, recollect the Vicar of Wakefield. If you do, you are acquainted with most of this letter. The company begin, like Miss Wilhelmina Carolina Skeggs, expressing their sorrow at his Highness's father's death, and then they express their joy on his ascending the Musnud ; and then they express their ap- proval of the advice given, and the offers made of a modifica- tion of the treaty of '92 by Lord Hobart; and then they express their disappointment at the Nabob's refusing them. They have, they say, given the Lord orders to open another negotiation, and they beg the Nabob will listen to him. If he does, he will make them a happy Company, and essentially benefit himself. If he does not, it will be an unfavorable commencement of his reign, and may affect materially their future conduct towards him. In all these sentiments they declare that they are joined by his Majesty's Ministers — " given under our great seal at Leaden- hall-street."
All was now over, and each sought his home. I had forgot to mention that there were two or three salutes and some volleys of musketry on the occasion
A man who sits down to write a letter about nothing must waste ink, pens, and paper; and try the patience of his friends. 'Tis a true remark, and happily exemplified by
Yours sincerely,
J. Malcolm.
RECOLLECTIONS OE HOME. 57
JOHN MALCOLM TO HIS SISTER AGNES.*
Madras, Oct. 16, 1797.
My DEAR Nancy, — I am tired of writing politics and non- sense— of forming ingenious premises, and drawing therefrom most wise conclusions. Such being ray state, what is the remedy? Can there be a better than scrawling a Europe letter to a nice, light-hearted sister, whose eyes are keen enough to unravel my hieroglyphics, and whose heart is good enough to excuse my errors? — " None better." I will swallow the draught this mo- ment, though it is near ten o'clock; and I am mistaken if I have not a good night's rest after it.
It is, my dear Nancy, one of those still clear nights, Avhich your friend Mrs. RadclifFe would dwell on for many pages. I wish that admirable young woman were here. I would lead her a walk which would equal one of her journeys in the Mysteries of Udolpho.
Do you remember, when we were all young, sitting round the parlour fire at Burnfoot ? You were reading the most dreadful of the castle-scenes. All was hushed attention. JNIy father leant with his head gently resting on the cornice of the chimney-piece, while it also received additional support from the two forefingers of his right hand. Yes — I can never forget his position. At this moment, a light tread, like that of a human foot, was heard in the winding dark passage which leads from the kitchen to the parlour. It drew Httle attention. The sweet, mellow tone of your voice, the awfulness of the subject, were too attractive; — but it far ex- ceeds the humble power of my pen to tell how we were roused from this delightful state.
A rumbling noise was heard at the door : all looked round in amaze. The pages you had perused were imprinted on our me- mory— the supernatural scenes they represented were present to our imagination. The parlour door burst open — ten thousand small black devils flew into the room : they were impelled in every direction by a fury in the shape of a woman. All was con- fusion : some shrieked ; others tried to gain the windows. My father, after oversetting two chairs in attempting to retreat, ven- tured to look round. He saw what we then all began to discover
* Agnes Malcobn died at Irvine, April, 1S36, aged 73.
58 THE STAFF AT MADRAS.
—that our alarm was caused by the pretty Peggy M'Neill, whose foot had slipped at the parlour-door, which she wished to open to bring in a basket of coals to rekindle our almost extinct fire.
" This is the consequence, girls," said my father, pretty quickly — " this is the consequence of your novels and romances. The mind is destroyed : fancy takes complete possession ; and you see what a piece of work she makes. Why, I was almost alarmed myself It required all the firmness I possess to prevent mistaking Peggy M'Neill, that honest lass there, for Hecate, and the coals for her attendant devils.
"This is all you, Nancy," he continued; "you persuade your uncle to send you down all the trash from London, and then prevail on us to listen. Lay it aside — lay it aside ; and get John to read us a few pages of * Reid on the Intellectual Powers.' He has lately perused it, and will tell you what a noble work it is for confirming the judgment, and making the mind firm in her principles."
"Indeed" (you said), "father, but I'll do no such thing as leave off" this nice book for any nonsense about Philosophy. As for John and his firm principles, his mind is wonderfully prepared by these fine books, to be sure. He showed more of his bodily than his intellectual powers when he almost killed me by jumping from the chair to the window, frightened at a basket of coals." After this sally, Nancy, you began again. The fire grew more bright. My father went away ; but returned in a few minutes, and sate as attentive as the rest to hear the sequel of the Mysteries of Udolplio.
" But never mind the night and Mrs. RadclilTe, John. What are you about ? Do you keep your health ? Have you any fine Behauder* horses, as you used to call them ? What do you do in the morning — and what in the evening? Have you any fine ladies at iMadras? Do you ever write any odes ?" — Patience, and I will answer these questions in regular order.
As to my healtli, it is as good as you could wish it. I have two fine prancing horses — fellows that beat the air and paw the ground. They arc both grey. One of them was born at the source of the Indus, and the other within a few miles of Ispahan,
* Literally, a great lord ; means here, jiroial, lyraneing.
LETTER TO HIS SISTER. 59';
in Persia. I could not -wish a wife with a sweeter disposition than they botli possess — nor one with more fire and spirit.
I pass my mornings in a way which I trust will make my evenings, some time hence, more comfortable.
My evenings at present do not pass unpleasantly — far from it. I have a most agreeable home ; and if disposed to visit, which I seldom am, I meet a welcome in families both genteel and lively.
As to ladies — I don't know that we have any positively fine. But we have several good mothers, and some promising daugh- ters ; and what more would you wish ?
When I have an idle hour and wish to keep my eyes open, I take up my Hafiz, fire my imagination, and if the fit lasts, I translate an ode. But I seldom get through it. If a stanza dis- pleases me, or a rhyme won't come, I curse the idle amusement, tear all I have written, throw the pen out of the door, and begin reading Smith's Wealth of Nations.
I, however, succeeded better yesterday. I finished an ode, which I now enclose. It appears of the wicked order; but this is appearance only — and so you may tell any old Presbyterian witch that finds fault with it. Its wickedness arises out of her igno- rance. Hafiz was a holy writer. His compositions resemble the Song of Solomon. Where he mentions the Tavern, he means Paradise. The Cup-bearer is the angel Gabriel. His Mistress is the Almighty ; and Wine is Divine Love, &c., &c., &c. This I have been assured of by the wisest men of the East.
When he died in his native town, Shiraz, all the inhabitants were not convinced of this. Several ignorant, plain men took the meaning as it was written ; and declared its tendency was to pro- mote luxury and dissipation, and that the author did not deserve to be interred in sacred ground. Others, confident of its latent purity, contended that he almost deserved divine honors for the services he had done to religion by his holy, though mystical, works. The parties were violent. One endeavoured to convey the corpse to the burial-ground — the other opposed ; and bloodshed ensued. At last it was determined, by mutual consent, that his own book should finish the dispute. It was to be opened at random. The finger of a man blinded was to point to the couplet. If it was, on reading, found to be of a nature to encourage vice, the friends of the poet agreed to relinquish their object. If on the contrary,
60 THE STAFF AT MADRAS.
Ill's remains -were to be quietly Interred. The appeal is common in the East, and particularly made to the holy Koran by Princes before they undertake any affair of importance.
In the present instance, the scene was highly interesting. The fury of mistaken zealots was likely to debar from Its last mournful rites the body of one whose name had given celebrity to their country. All was anxiety. The most learned of the Moulavees held the book, and was appointed to read the couplet which fate decreed to decide the important dispute. The Heaven-directed finger was placed on the two concluding lines of one of his most serious but most beautiful odes :
Withdraw not yoiu- steps from the obsequies of Hafiz; Though he be immersed in sin he will rise into Paradise.
The shout of joy was general. Every one was convinced; and all Shiraz attended his funeral. A superb tomb was built over him; and it Is to this day visited by the learned and the pious from all quarters of the globe.
I will write you a grave letter in January.
Your affectionate brother,
J. M.
But althougli at tliis time Malcolm led a careless and a happy life, it was not an idle one. He liad, indeed, an irrepressible desire not only to accumulate information for himself, but also to impart it to others. Ever since he had first made the acquaintance of Sir John Ken- naway,* he had longed to take an active part in the
* He continued to correspond with this Government, to which he has so this gentleman, who had linally re- long been posted. He makes no pro- turned to England. The following ex- mises, and no one knows what he tracts from his correspondence belong means to do till he has an opportunity to this period, and arc not without in- of doing it. This I am convinced of, tercst : — " I am in the same situation," that he has an anxious wish to pro- wrote Malcolm, "as when I wrote mote my interests, and will lose no you last — Persian interpreter and se- opportunity of doing it." — \_At<ffitst 31, cretary to General Harris, who is kind 1797.]
and attentive to a degree. With Gc- And agaui: — "All my hopes still
ncral Clarke I keep up a constant cor- point to being some day employed iu
respondence, and have a pride in think- the diplomatic line, wliich makes me
ing _ I stand high in his esteem. I extremely soHcitous that my friends at
anxiously look for his succession to home should lose no opportunity of
DEPAKTURE OF LORD HOBART. 61
great game of diplomacy. He saw, indeed, that there were events then taking shape in the womb of Time, Avhich would render it essential to the interests of the nation that the British-Indian Government should have at its disposal men thoroughly acquainted with the history and constitution of the Native States of India. And seeing this, he set himself resolutely to work, to acquire the desiderated information, by corresponding and conversing with the best-informed men in the coun- try ; and to supply the intelligence thus acquired, in the shape of Minutes and Memoirs, to the Government under which he served. The papers upon these impor- tant subjects, which he sent in to Lord Hobart, were graciously received. The Governor encouraged him to proceed in the good work of collecting and digesting in- telligence ; and Malcolm applied himself diligently to it, in the entire confidence that it would, at no very remote date, be found of eminent use in the advancement, not merely of his own interests, but of the welfare also of the State.
At this time Lord Hobart was about to retire from the Government of Madras; and it was believed that Sir Alured Clarke would succeed him. But Sir John Shore was also about to lay down the reins of office; so Sir Alured, as Senior Member of Council in Bengal, stood next for the Governor-Generalship, and in March, 1798, he entered upon its duties. Meanwhile, in the preceding month, Lord Hobart had taken his departure, and been
getting me mentioned to great men exercise. I have left off, with other comuig out either to Bengal or Madras, idle habits, my poetical flights. I do, I can promise much arranged informa- however, attempt an ode now and then, tiou ; and the flattering notice of as you will see by the enclosed, which several papers I have given in has en- I translated two days ago to send to couraged me to persevere in the pur- my sister. They insist on having non- suit My health is as con- sense of the kuid sent to Bui-nfoot
firmed as you could wish it. I live once or twice a year."— [Oc^o^i?/- 16,
moderately, and take a great deal of 1797.]
•62 THE STAFF AT MADRAS.
succeeded, for the time, by General Harris, who was now at the head both of the civil and military affairs of the Coast. The change was beneficial to Malcolm, who was nominated Town-Major of Fort St. George — an office then of far greater honor and emolument than it is at the present time. But it had not the virtue of permanency. The appointment, indeed, was considered as a personal appendage to the Governor of the day, like any other part of the constitution of his "family." As Malcolm only stepped in dming an interregnum, his incumbency was therefore more than usually uncertain and preca- rious.* He held the appointment until the autumn of the same year. Lord Clive, who had been appomted Governor of Madras, arrived at the end of August ; and new arrangements were made for the Town-Majorship of the Fort.
To Malcohn this was a matter of but little moment. He had recommended himself ere this to the notice of one higher in office than the Governor of Madras. Lord Clive became in due course one of Malcolm's fastest friends — but no man esteemed his worth or appreciated his services more than did Lord Wellesley.
* Letter of John Malcolm to Lord ness in meutioning me to Lord Moru-
Hobart — IMtrck 23, 179 S] — "Sir iugtou. Had that nobleman been
Jolm Shore left Calcutta on tlie 8th destined for Madras, yonr friendly re-
iust. I fear Sir Alured's reign will be commendation would probably have ■
short, as I observe by inteUigeuee which caused my remaining in the lucrative
arrived this morning that Lord Morn- situation of Town-Major, which I can
ington sailed on the Sth of November, hardly expect to be so fortunate as to
As I do not find any person is named keep under General Harris's successor;
for Madras, I cherish hopes of beiug though, if my friends know I fill it be-
Town-Major a few mouths longer." fore any Governor leaves England, they
To General Ross, who had been will naturally on such an occasion exert
Lord Cornwallis's secretary, he also tlieii- interests, as I have made them
wrote, soon afterwards — t-^-fcy 15, aware of its consequence. If I remain
1798] — "I cannot lose a moment in one year, I shall have a little foundation
thanking you for yoiu- attentive kind- on which I may erect a goodly castle."
HYDERABAD AND MYSORE. 63
CHAPTER V.
HYDERABAD AND MYSORE.
[1798—1799.]
ARRIVAL OF XORD WELLESLEY — THE HYDERABAD ASSISTANTSHIP — DISBANDMENT OF THE FRENCH CORPS — MAlCOLJl's SHARE IN THE OPERATIONS — VOYAGE TO CALCUTTA — MEETING 'WITH LORD WELLESLEY — THE SIEGE OF SERINGAPATAM — THE MYSORE COMMISSIONERSHIP — RETURN TO HYDERABAD.
On the 26tli of April, 1798, Lord Wellesley* landed at Madras, on his way to the seat of the Supreme Govern- ment of India, over which he had been appointed to pre- side. He remained on the Coast until the second week of May; and then resumed his voyage to Calcutta.
During the brief sojourn of the new Governor-General at Madras, Captain JNIalcolmf ventured to forward to him, through his private secretary, J some of the papers which he had drawn up on the Native States of India, and to express at the same time a hope that, when opportunity offered, he might be employed in the diplomatic line of his profession. In those days nearly all the "political" appointments in the country were held by military offi- cers. The civil servants of the Company, though then be- ginning to shake off thek old mercantile character, were
* It need hardly be said that he f He was promoted iu this year
was then Lord Mornington; but for (1798).
the sake of uniformity, I shall use t Mr. Hemy Wellesley, afterwards
tlu-oughout the name by which he is Lord Cowley, known in history.
64 HYDERABAD AND MYSOEE.
seldom despatched to tlie Courts of the Native Princes. In such men as Kennaway, Scott, CoUms, the two Kirk- patricks, and otlier soldiers, the Indian Governments found agents of rare energy and ability to conduct om^ relations with what in the language of the day was called the " Country Powers." It was not until some time after the dawn of the new century that the diplo- matic skill of such men as Jenkins, Elphinstone, Met- calfe, and Russell was called forth; and the civilians of the day successfully competed with the soldiers for the chief places at the " Residencies" planted m the different Native States.
It was to the Court of Hyderabad that Malcolm now turned his desiring eyes. He had, years before, acquired some experience of the affairs of the Nizam. He had seen much for himself; his early intimacy with Sir John Kennaway, and his subsequent correspondence mth the Kirkpatricks, had enlarged his knowledge of the Deccan, and strencfthened tlie interest with which he reQ;arded all that related to its government and its people. That in- terest, however, was not of a very pleasurable kind. In truth, he despised the one and pitied the other. But the field of employment was a good one. A crisis of some sort or other was evidently approaching. And John Malcolm, whose nature it was ever to wish to be what is called " in the thick of it," thought that there could be no better opportunity of gratifying his eager desire after a stirring life than that afforded by a diplomatic appoint- ment at the Court of Hyderabad. A vacancy had op- portunely presented itself. Colonel Kirkpatrick, who had succeeded Sir John Kennaway, had joined the staff of the Governor -General, whom he had met at the Cape; and Captain Kirkpatrick, who had held a subor- dinate situation at the Nizam's Court, was now appointed Resident in his brother's stead. For the office of Assis-
APPOINTMENT TO HYDERABAD. 65
tant to tlie Resident tlius vacated, Malcolm lost no time in applying. The papers wliicli he had forwarded to Lord Wellesley had been graciously received. That statesman, whose quick discernment of merit was not the least remarkable of his many remarkable qualities, saw at a glance that the writer was a man to be employed. So he answered promptly to the application, in the fol- lo^ving affirmatory letter :
LORD WELLESLEY TO CAPTAIN MALCOLM.
Fort William, Sept. 10, 179S.
Sir, — The office of Resident at Hyderabad liaving become vacant by the resignation of Colonel Kirkpatrick, I have this day appointed Captain Kirkpatrick to succeed him; and it afforded me great satisfaction at the same time to nominate you Assistant at that Court, having learnt from my brother that in a letter to him you had stated tliat such a situation would be acceptable to you.
In conferring this appointment upon you, I have been governed by no other motive than my knowledge of the zeal, activity, and diligence with which you have pursued the study of the native languages and the political system of India ; and I take this op- portunity of expressing my satisfaction at your having made choice of a situation in which I am persuaded you will render essential service to the publick, and satisfy your honorable desire of distinc- tion. I wish to see you previous to your proceeding to Hydera- bad, and as soon as may be convenient for you after you have re- ceived this letter. There are many circumstances relative to the political system of India which it is proper you should learn from me as early as possible. It will also be advantageous to the publick service that you should thoroughly understand ray opinions on various points, with a degree of accuracy which cannot be conve- niently stated in writing. I therefore hope that you will contrive to visit Calcutta soon after the receipt of this letter. I shall by this day's post apprise Lord Clive of your appointment, in order that the necessary steps may be taken for procuring your leave of absence.
I am, yours, &c.,
MORNINGTOX. VOL. I. F
m HYDERABAD AND MTSORE.
John Malcolm's foot was now fairly in tlie stirrup, and he felt that, God willing, there was nothing to keep him from riding straight to the top of the hill.
Had this letter reached him at Madras, he would have taken ship at once for Calcutta; but he had already started for Hyderabad before it was put into his hands.* There was work first to be done at the seat of his new appointment. Lord Wellesley was bracing himself up for the coming contest with the Sultan of Mysore. The approaching cold season was to see his armies in motion. In the mean while, certain arrangements were to be made to secure the effective co-operation of our allies. A new treaty was negotiated with the Nizam, and a few days before the date of the above letter Captain Kirkpatrick reported its conclusion. It was stipulated that four bat- talions of British troops should be added to the force posted in the Nizam's dominions, and that we should protect him against the unjust demands of his enemies.
* It appears from the following pas- couveuience and yours." — {October 16,
sage, upon -whicb I have accidentally 1798.] The only copy of Malcolm's
alighted in a letter from Captain Kirk- answer to Lord WeUesley's letter in
Patrick to Mr. Edmonstone, that Mai- my possession is one which Mr. John
colm did not receive Lord WeUesley's Pasley forwarded to the family at Biu-u-
letter till he had nearly reached Hy- foot. It is dated the 10th of October,
derabad : — " I was in great hopes," but does not indicate the place whence
writes Kirkpatrick, " that Captain Mai- it was written. In this letter Malcolm
colm's arrival would effectually exone- says: "I was yesterday honored with
rate you in future from the trouble- a duplicate of yoiu- Lordship's letter,
some task of occasional translations of under date of the 20th ultimo ;" the
the papers : but, alas ! I have only en- original letter being dated on the 10th.
joyed the benefit of his company to be It would appear from this, that before
more sensible of his loss. He received the receipt of Lord WeUesley's letter
a letter, when within a march or two Malcolm had received (probably from
of Hyderabad, from Lord JMorniugton, Mr. Henry WcUesley or Colonel Kii'k-
directing him for certain assigned rea- patrick) private intimation of his ap-
sons to take a trip to Calcutta previous poiutmeut to Hyderabad, and had
to proceeding hither ; and so eager is started some time in September for
Captain Malcolm's desire to obey his the Nizam's capital. He was relieved
Lordship's summons, that I believe I of the Towu-Majorship on the 28th of
must consent to his indulging it with- August (a week after Lord CUve's ar-
out further reference, however much rival), when Captain Alexander Grant
against my own judgment, or liowcver was appointed, " vice Malcolm, re-
grcatly at the expense both of my own signed."
THE FRENCH CORPS. 67
In retiuTi for this, his Highness pledged himself to pay an augmented subsidy for the support of the English troops, and to disband the French corps which he held in his pay.
Ever since the times of Dupleix and Bussy this corps had been gTowing in bulk and importance. In the early days of our contests with the French in Southern India, they had discerned the expediency of establishing an in- fluence at the Court of Hyderabad. And they believed that this could be effected in no better manner than by the application of European skill and enterprise to the organisation and equipment of the rude and disorderly battalions which constituted the military force of the Nizam. The experiment halted at the outset. The beginning was small ; the progress was not rapid. At the time of the preceding war with Tippoo there had been only two regiments, officered by Frenchmen, in the service of the Nizam. But now that we were about a second time to advance upon Seringapatam, we fomid that there were fourteen thousand men in the Hyderabad country, disciplined and commanded by European officers. The interval had been a period of trouble and danger to the Nizam. His old enemies, the Mahrattas, had invaded his dominions ; Ms sons had risen up in re- volt against him; and he had been fain to strengthen himself by resorting to the readiest means at his disposal for putting down both Ms foreign and Ms domestic foes. Under Raymond, a Frenchman of great ability and ad- dress, who had originally served under Lally, the two or three battalions which had been disciplined by European officers had rendered essential service to their harassed employer, who then saw in the augmentation of this force an element of safety, which at the time he could discern nowhere else. So the French force had mcreased both in numbers and efficiency. Assignments of territory had
f2
68 HYDERABAD AND MYSOEE.
been made for its payment. Foundries were established under competent European superintendence. Guns were cast. Muskets were manufactured. Admirably disciplined and equipped, Raymond's levies went out to battle with the colors of Revolutionary France floating above them, and the Cap of Liberty engraved on their buttons.
It was obvious to Lord Wellesley that this state of things, at a time when the French were intriguing with " Citizen Tippoo," was fraught with extreme inconveni- ence and embarrassment, if not with danger, to the British-Indian Government. So he at once resolved to make a bold stroke for the entire overthrow of the French power at Hyderabad. Circumstances favored the design. Raymond was dead.* The Nizam's Prime Ministerf was friendly to British interests. The French were inefficiently represented at Court. It was not diffi- cult, therefore, to persuade the Hyderabad Government that their real interest lay (as indeed it did) in accepting the protection of the British to the utter exclusion of all other European states. Kirkpatrick's negotiations were successful. The Nizam undertook, as the price of our protection, to disband the French corps, and to surrender its European officers into our hands.
There were already two battalions of British troops in the Deccan. Whilst the negotiations were going on at Hyderabad, four additional battalions, under Colonel Roberts, were pushed quietly forward from the side of Gmitoor. It was felt that the operation was one of some difficulty and danger, augmented by that crookedness of policy which characterised all Native Courts, and none more than that of Hyderabad. The movement was a secret one. It is said, indeed, that it was not known even to the Madras Government.
* He died on the 25th or 2Gth of f Aristo Jah, commonly known by March, 1798. his title of Azim-ool-Omrah.
Malcolm's opinions. 69
Officially, perhaps, it was not ; but to the practised eye of the Indian statesman there were signs — of which the gathering of troops in Guntoor was not the least — indi- cating that a blow was about to be struck in the direc- tion of Hyderabad; and the dissolution of the French corps seemed to be the most probable object of the movement. The measure was one of the expediency of which Malcolm had for some time been thoroughh?- convinced. He had often descanted upon its advantages ; but, admitting the risk and responsibility of so bold a stroke, he had doubted whether any new Governor- General would be found Avith nerve enough to incur them. In April he had written to Lord Hobart, imme- diately on the receipt of tidings of Raymond's death :
" This is the period, my Lord, when a Governor-General of energy might give the fatal blow to that alarming power which the French have gained in the Deccan. The Minister himself, alarmed by Sindhiah, and doubtful of his professed friends at Hyderabad, solicits our aid, and will allow us to dictate the terms. Aware of the arguments on both sides of this important question, I shall regret, more than I can express, if the opportunity of se- curing ourselves almost beyond the possibility of danger on this side of India is lost. But an effectual interference is a step of too much responsibility for a new Governor-General to take, unless he possesses uncommon nerve. He will hesitate, before he sees his road clearly, to adopt a measure of such consequence; and when his eyes are opened on all the solid advantages likely to accrue, the opportunity will be past."
And again, in August, he had written more in detail upon the same subject :
" I imagine the detachment collected in Guntoor may be even- tually meant for the expulsion of this nest of democrats — an im- portant service, which, if Lord Mornington effects, he will deserve well of his country. I am not of opinion that this would at any time be unattended with risk ; but perhaps at this time less than
70 HYDERABAD AND MYSOKE.
another, from the dissensions of the officers at the head of the party. But risk or not, the necessity of the attempt appears to me to be paramount. Whilst our connexion with the Nizam is liable, from that party and other prevailing interests, to be con- tinually disturbed, we ever must be in a state of extreme inse- curity on the Coast, as no military establishment which our re- venues can afford will ever be sufficient to protect us from ruinous predatory incursions of Horse, and we never can, unless the Deccan'is friendly, carry on a successful offensive war against the Sultan. The favorable disposition of Azim-ool-Omrah affords us an opportunity of forming an affiance with the Deccan beyond the power of intrigue to destroy; and good policy demands that those democrats should be removed from the confidence of our best ally before we venture on any other measure ; and I sincerely hope that this is Lord Mornington's intention. If it is, he has done right in assembling our force to meet the Sultan, and pre- parations should be continued, lest he should be obliged to recede from a plan, to prevent the execution of which serious difficulties may be expected to obtrude. Armed at all points, he will pro- bably succeed in whatever he attempts; were he not, the chances would be against him. For the inevitable necessity of this at- tempt, and for the dangers which attend it, we have to thank the late Governor-General, whose timid policy allowed this party to gain the height which they have reached without remonstrance, rather than incur the most remote risk of the peace being dis- turbed during his placid reign. If an interference of Providence had not deprived the French party at this moment of a leader equally calculated by prudence and resolution to accomplish his ends, we might soon have begun our comments od the effects of a moderate and conciliatory system."
It was witli no common satisfaction, therefore, that, two months later, Malcolm found not only that this great masterstroke of policy was on the eve of accomplishment, but that he was himself approaching the gates of Hyder- abad with credentials enabling him to take an active part in giving it effect. He was, indeed, full of hope for the future destinies of our Indian Empire. It was obvious now that the right man had been sent to India at the
Malcolm's ordained woek. 71
right time. He had been longing for the advent of a Governor-General of vigor and determination, not weighed down by a sense of the responsibility of his position; and now he felt that under such a man as Lord Wellesley there was nothing he was not equal to accomplish.
And now Malcolm took his first great practical lesson in Oriental diplomacy. All that he had learnt before had been as a looker-on ; as a student of Indian politics rather than a participator in them.* But now he was about to take part in the exciting realities of strenuous action. He could hardly have been initiated into his new profession under more favorable auguries. It was decreed that his public life should be a stirring one, and it could scarcely have had a more stirring beginning than that which was now before him. In the concur- rence of circumstances which brought Malcolm, in so critical a conjuncture, to the gates of Hyderabad, and enabled him to become no insignificant actor in one of the most remarkable events of Indian history, we see the first link, as it were, in a long chain of providential dis- pensations, from the consideration of which it would ap- pear as though it had been his especial mission to take part in, and in some measure to control, all the most troublous incidents of the quarter of a century over which ranged his diplomatic career. Wherever there was diffi- culty and disturbance, there, it will be seen as this nar- rative advances, was John Malcolm sure to be. He thought himself fortunate now to have arrived at Hyder- abad just in time for the great coti]) cVetat which was to
* Ever since his return to Madras Thomas Muiu'O, Lord Hobart, Sir
he had been continually corresponding John KennaAvay, and General Ross,
with friends, both in India and in His communication with Hyderabad
England, on the public affairs of the was frequent, and he was thoroughly
former country. Among other cor- versed in the politics of that Court, respondents were the Kirkpatricks,
72 HYDERABAD AND MYSORE.
shatter to pieces for ever the growing influence of the French in the Deccan.
But the difficulty and the hazard of the work before the British oflicers at Hyderabad were not to be con- cealed. Palpable at all times, they were now rendered more apparent by the crooked policy of the Nizam's Court. The Nizam had entered into a solemn engage- ment to disband the French regiments, and to give up their European officers to the representatives of the British Government. But no sooner had Colonel Roberts' force arrived than it became apparent that the terms of the treaty would be grudgingly, if at all, fulfilled. That the Nizam should have parted reluctantly with men who had rendered him good service in the hoiu" of need, is not otherwise than natural and honorable. Viewed from the English side, the dissolution of the French corps was a masterpiece of policy. But the sympathies of our common humanity may yet be awakened in favor of the sufferers, when we contemplate the rending of all those ties which had bound the soldier and the officer toge- ther, and linked the united military body to the State. Doubtless, it was a necessity; but it was a cruel one. And when the hour of parting arrived, it was not strange that there should have been a plentiful growth of subter- fuge and evasion to delay the fulfilment of a stipulation so painful and so humiliating both to the French party and the Hyderabad Court.
But over and above this natural and creditable reluc- tance, there w^as all that innate duplicity and evasiveness which is inseparable from the diplomacy of a Native Court. Seldom or never are the conditions of a treaty with an Oriental potentate fulfilled, except under strong compulsion. The Nizam's Ministers, on the arrival of Colonel Roberts' force, -were eager to see it encamped in a position where it could be of little use m overawing
INTRIGUES OF THE FRENCH PARTY.
73
the Frencli battalions. But the British Resident saw plainly enough that the success of his measures depended upon the promptitude with which our troops could be brought to operate upon their lines.* Had he been irre- solute in this conjuncture, the whole force might have decamped, and carried their services to Tippoo, to be turned against us in the coming war.
A German officer, named Piron, had succeeded Ray- mond in the chief command of the force.f It was now reported at the Residency that he was in personal com- munication with the Ministers ; that he had a stronger party than we had suspected at Court; and that dan- gerous intrigues were on foot, which were likely to defeat the peaceable ratification of the treaty, and render coer- cion necessary. There were divided councils in the Durbar. The interests of the Mahrattas, of Tippoo, of the French, had each then* supporters among the chief
* Captain Kii'kpatrick -uTotc to the jNIinister, saying : " Tlie case is this : The gromidwork of the treaty is the apprehension and delivery of the people you kno'sv, and the disbaudmcut of their party in such manner that no trace of their present form shall remain. I will grant for a moment that the affair in hand will be brought to an easy con- clusion, by the plan devised by the Minister ; still it is as evident as the sun, that unless the detachment is properly stationed, the execution of such plan will be impracticable ; for if the English troops should cross the river and encamp on this side, it is possible that the whole of the party you know, finding no obstruction, may leave their cannon behind, and hj long marches go over to Tippoo Sultan and others, or that the officers and sergeants may escape alone, and thus the advan- tages expected from the labor and ex- ertion of bringing an English force hither be entirely defeated. As the very soul, moreover, of the treaty was
the due fulfilment of the articles re- specting the Erench party, God forbid that any deviation therefrom should take place."
-j- He was a man, in all respects, vastly inferior to Raymond. Speaking of him in a letter to Lord Hobart, written in April, 1798, Malcolm says : " Raymond is succeeded by M. Piron, a rough, violent democrat ; a man with more hostile dispositions to us than liis predecessor, but less dangerous." In another letter (to General Ross) he speaks of Pu-ou as " a rough democrat, a stranger to that temper and those conciliating manners by which his pre- decessor won his way to greatness." And in a later letter to Lord Hobart, whilst narrating how some Soubahdars who had deserted from our army had been apprehended in the Erench lines, he says : " Had Raymond lived, the taking up of these men would not have been an easy task. But Piron has no ability, and his authority is far from being generally acknowledged."
74 HYDERABAD AND MYSORE.
servants of the Nizam. Strong personal motives, too, were at work to thwart the efforts of the British Minister. Every pretext for evasion and delay was seized upon with avidity by the upholders of the French party. It was even reported that peace had been declared between the English and French ; that the hostile designs of the former against Tippoo were at an end ; and the terri- tories ceded after the last war were to be restored to the Sultan. But Meer Allum,* who knew the English well, and who had consistently supported our cause, promptly silenced the report, saying, "If perchance the island of Great Britain should be swallowed up by the sea, then such a peace would be probable. Till that event takes place, it is impossible."
Eager as Kirkpatrick and Malcolm were to accomplish the dissolution of the French force without shedding a drop of blood, they felt that it must be done at all hazards, and they feared that the crooked policy of the Hyderabad Durbar would compel them to resort to violence. It was necessar}^, at all events, that the troops at the Resident's disposal should assume a threatening attitude, and be prepared at a moment's notice to fire on the French hues. There were two brigades, well equipped and ready for action — the components of the old subsidiary force under Colonel Hyndman, and the reinforcements which had just arrived under Colonel Roberts. The former were moved up to attack the rear of the French camp ; the latter were ready to advance upon its front. f From sucli a disposition of our forces
* Mccr Allum was at this time com- concerted that Colonel Hyiulnian's
mandcr of the Nizam's Mogul troops, corps should move early next morning
in which capacity he soon afterwards to a position about 400 yards in the
led the Hyderabad troops to Seringa- rear ot" M. Piron's camp, between which
patara. See note at the end of the and him was the river; there being no
chapter. ford for guns, those with Colonel
■f Malcolm, in his journal of occur- llyiidmau's corps were to play from
reuces at Hyderabad, says : " It was the bank he was encamped upon, which
SUBMISSION OF M. PIRON. 75
there was no escape. . The French troops were now completely at our mercy.
It was on the 20th of October, 1798, that our bat- talions took up the position which thus fearfully threatened the total annihilation of the French corps. On the same morning a message was brought to the British Kesident, declaring that it was the intention of the chief IMhiister immediately to fulfil the treaty by dismiss- ing the French officers and breaking up the battalions. And at midnight two French officers waited upon Captaui Kirkpatrick, at the instance of M. Piron, to inform him that they were one and all prepared to throw themselves on the protection of the British — "well knowing that, although general policy might dictate their removal from the Deccan, they would be individually considered as entitled to every justice and indulgence that could with propriety be extended to them." To this the British Resident returned a becoming answer. Duty and incli- nation alike prompted him to pledge himself to the generous treatment of these unfortunate men.
On the follo"^\ing morning the orders of the Nizam for the disbandment of the French corps were publicly pro- claimed in the lines. The Durbar officers, to whom this duty was entrusted, reported that all was quiet. Soon after their return, the Resident received a letter from Piron, urging him to despatch some person on the part of the British Government to the French cantonments, with a view to the protection both of the pubhc and private property witliin them. Accordmgiy, Malcolm, who had been for some time actively assisting the nego- tiations with the Durbar, writing, translating, discussing, was despatched to the French lines. Before he could
they could with excellent effect, ou the and right, Colonel Eoberts Wcas to ad- principal magazine and storehouses of vance his whole corps and guns to the French camp. Whilst these bat- attack the front of their centre and talions attacked the rear of their centre left."
76 HYDERABAD AND MYSORE.
reacTi them, the greater number of the reghnents, clamor- ing for their arrears of pay,* had risen up in open mutiny and seized the persons of Piron and many of his officers.
When Malcolm reached the lines, the violence of the mutineers was at its height. In vain he endeavoured to make his way to the place where Piron'was confined. In vain he remonstrated; in vain he endeavoured to persuade the men to suffer order to be restored to their ranks. They crowded tumultuously around him. They threatened to deal with him as they had dealt with their own officers. And doubtless, in the violence of their excitement, they would have fulfilled their threats; but timely assistance was at hand. Among the crowd of mutineers were some men who had formerly belonged to Malcolm's company in the 29th battalion, but had deserted to the French corps. They now recognised their old officer, and went at once to his assistance. He had been kind to them in former days, and they had not forgotten his kindness. Lifting him up and bearing him away on their heads, they rescued him from the hands of the infuriated mob.
Malcolm returned to the Residency; and the mutiny continued to spread. It was an event to be welcomed; not to be deplored. It was plain to the British diplo- matists that it would render the dissolution of the corps comparatively easy. So measures were at once concerted for the accomplishment of the disarming and dispersion of the disorganised mass. Early on the following day, Colonel Roberts was instructed to draw up his detach- ment opposite the French lines, and to summon the men to an unconditional surrender. If at the end of half an hom^ they had not complied with the demand, he was to attack them in front, and as soon as Colonel Hyndman
* Malcolm says that tlicy were only that the mutiny was excited by the twenty-ouc days in arrcar; and hints "artifices of the native officers."
MUTINY OF THE FRENCH CORPS. 77
heard a shot fired, he was to open upon their rear. A party of 1500 horse was pLaced under Malcolm, who was ordered to occupy their right flank and prevent escape in that direction, whilst Captain Greene, with another party of 500 horse, occupied the left.
Some time before Eoberts' force came up Malcolm had reached his ground. The first French Sepoys whom he met — a small party of deserters — fearing an immediate attack upon their camp, were in an extreme state of alarm. He exerted himself to allay their fears. He told them that, if they fulfilled the required conditions, no violence would be offered to them, and despatched them into the lines to give assurance of protection to their comrades. A deputation of Soubahdars came out to him, and de- clared that they were ready to do anything that they were ordered. On this he advanced into the lines. He found the whole body of Sepoys panic-struck, as were those whom he had first met. They had released their officers, and were now disciplined and subdued by an overwhelming' sense of their common dansrer. Malcolm assured them, that if they laid down their arms in peace, they would be protected by the British troops. They promised, therefore, prompt submission. The only con- dition which they urged upon the British officer was, that the lines should be placed in the possession of the Com- pany's troops, and not given up to the destructive plunder of the Mogul horse.
Having reported to Colonel Roberts the favorable aspect of affairs, Malcolm drew up his detachment on the heights fronting the French lines. There he was speedily joined by the European officers of the French corps, elate Avith joy at their escape from the hands of their infuriate soldiery, and actually, in the conjuncture that had arisen, regarding the English as friends and deliverers. The rest
70
HYDEKABAD AND MYSOEE.
was soon accomplished. The Sepoys left their gnns, laid down their arms, and in the presence of the two lines of British troops, moved off in a deep column to a flag planted on the right of their ground, followed by their wives, and carrying their little property with them.* Not a shot was fired; not a ctrop of blood was shed. Eleven or twelve thousand menf were thus dis- persed in a few hours ; and before sunset their whole can- tonment, with all their storehouses, arsenals, gun-foun- dries, and powder-mills, were completely in our posses- sion. J The celebrated French corps of Hyderabad had passed into a tradition.
That the dispersion of the French corps was a very important stroke of policy, and that it tended mate- rially to secure our subsequent successes, is not to be denied. § Malcolm shared with Kirkpatrick the credit
* In a private letter to IVIr. Eclmou- stonc, ■written on tlie 23rd of October, Captain Kirkpatrick says: "Yon will, no donbt, be weU ])lea3ed at the suc- cessfid and peaceable termination to which I have been so fortunate as to bring the affans of the French party. Tliough I never entertained a moment's donbt that resistance upon its part woidd have been vam against such a body of British troops as were at my disposal, yet surely it is highly satis- factory, in every point of view, to have accomplished our end so completely without a drop of blood being spilled. It was at once a glorious and a piteous sight to sec between eleven and twelve thousand of these French Sepoys laying down their arms hi heaps in presence of our line of troops, drawn up in a most awing position, and movuig off in crowds, attended by their wives and chattels. Only tlircc days ago matters ■wore a very dismal appearance."
f Some otlicrs, who were absent from Hydcraljad at this time, subse- quently surrendered.
X Malcolm says, in liis memorandum of these occurrenccB: "Their store-
rooms were filled with arms, accoutre- ments, and clothing from Europe of excellent quaUty, and they could with ease from them have armed 12,000 more men in a few months. It was obviously their poHcy to make them- selves independent in all essential mi- litary equipments, and they had suc- ceeded to admiration. They cast ex- cellent cannon, and made serviceable muskets in their different foundries, aU of which, as well as their powder-mills, were under the direction of able and scientific Eui'opeans."
§ Lord Clive, writuig from Madras to the Secret Committee, said : " Upon my arrival here, at the end of Au- gust last, I entertained the most serious apprehension of the Sultan's
invadmg the Carnatic But
the fortune of the Company prevented, and possibly the complete success of anniliilating the French party and in- creasing^ the subsidiary force at Hy- derabad, plamicdwith so much wisdom by the Governor-General, and executed with so much ability by Colonel Eoberts, under the direction of the llcsidcnt, Captam Kirkpatrick, confounded the
POLITICAL EXPEEIENCE. 79
of the achievement. But the experience which he had gained was of more worth to Mm than the honor. In the com^se of the fortnight which he had spent, by acci- dent, as it were, at Hyderabad, he had seen more of busy, stirring public life — more of the strife and turmoil of Oriental politics — than many men see in the course of years. The lesson that he learnt was never forgotten. That little reliance is to be placed on the word of an Indian diplomatist, that no Native Court is willing to fulfil the conditions of a treaty except under strong com- pulsion, Malcolm may have known before. But the great practical truth which he carried with him from Hydera- bad, to be much pondered by the way, was, that the most vigorous policy is, at the same time, the most hu- mane— that there is nothing so merciful, where strong measures are to be carried out, as an overawing display of force at the outset. Had Kirkpatrick wanted resolu- tion— had he hesitated, and faltered, and shown himself to be a man of a weak-nerved humanity, slow to resort to extremities, in all probability before the end of Oc- tober the French lines would have been running crimson with blood. There is an ill odour about tke word "dra- gooning," but there is more real kindness in the thing itself than is readily to be believed.
Obedient to the summons of the Governor-General,
Sultan, aucl deterred him from briugiiig ability wliicli directed it in all its stages upon the Carnatic so severe a calamity." was viewed with sentiments of admi- Colonel Beatson, in his account of the ration and respect. In its consequences war with Tippoo, says that "no one to the British interests in India, it was suspected so grand and so masterly a considered at this junctui-e an achieve- stroke as the total annihilation of the ment of the very first importance. The Trench faction." " It is easier, there- dangers which it effectually removed, fore," he adds, " to imagine than to it must be confessed, were of the most describe the joy and satisfaction which lu-gent kind, since the very existence the intelligence of this important event of so formidable a French faction in excited when it reached Calcutta and the heart of the Deccan would have Madras. Unboimded praises were be- rendered a contest with Tippoo ex- stowed on the bold and judicious policy trcmely precarious^ and even hazard- wliich dictated the measui'e ; and the ous."
80 HYDERABAD AND MYSORE.
Malcolm liastened to Bengal, and was soon admitted into the Councils of Government House. He carried with him the colors of the annihilated French corps. He had much to tell of what he had seen within the last few memorable weeks. His local knowledge and experience were serviceable to the State. His cheerfulness seemed to exhilarate, and his energy to invigorate, all with whom he came in contact. In the full flush of early manhood, with a noble presence and a fine open countenance, full of animation and intelligence ; quick in his movements, vivacious in discourse, glowing with the fire of enter- prise, eager for action, he was just the man to encourage the faint, to stimulate the apathetic, to breathe confidence into all. He was just the man, too, whom Lord Wel- lesley wanted. Their principles were identical; their views accorded wonderfully ; they had abundant faith in each other. It was not that Malcolm modulated his opi- nions in harmony with the Governor-General's. He had formed them, indeed, long before Lord Wellesley arrived, and had longed for a Governor-General with sufiicient vigor to become their practical exponent. The " coming man," for whom he had looked so eagerly, was already realising his heau ideal of an Indian statesman. His ad- miration was genuine ; his affection was sincere; for the new Governor-General was, as he said, a man after his own heart, and he felt that it was a glorious thing to be permitted to share his glory.
He soon became very popular in the Government House circle. Apart from the estimation in which he was held as a public servant, his private qualities were such as to secure the affectionate admiration of all who could read the kindliness of his heart and appreciate the manliness of his character. He had lost little of his old playfulness. Edmon stone, who was still Persian trans- lator, but was fast becoming the very right hand of Lord
THE RUPTUKE WITH TIPPOO. 81
Wellesley, was not sorry to recognise the same "Boy Malcolm" who had gambolled with him of old m the Deccan.* The elder Kirkpatrick was rejoiced to wel- come him. Henry Wellesley, who had advanced some way towards intimacy with Malcolm during the fortnight spent by the vice-regal party on the Coast, was glad of an opportunity of ripening the growing friendship be- tween them. The talk at Government House now was of the intended voyage to Madras, whither the Governor- General was going, to direct the operations of the war against Tippoo Sultan.
That the bearing of the Governor- General towards the ruler of Mysore would be worthy of the great nation which he represented, Malcolm never for a moment doubted. He was full of hope— confident as to the re- sult— when he embarked, in the early winter of 1798-99, on board one of the vessels which was to carry the Go- vernor-General and his suite to the Southern Coast.f
Negotiations were tried. But it was not expected that they would succeed. Tippoo, at least, was a man of courage. He did not shrink from the encounter. He knew that our preparations were advancing; but he trusted in his own resources, and believed that he was equal to the emergency.
The British army, under General Harris, took the field. The Nizam was to aid us with an auxiliary force.
* Captain Kirkpatrick, to whom of whose hostile intrigues with the Malcobn's absence from Hyderabad French he had then the most ample was a severe loss, wrote to Edmon- proof. His Lordship, however, pro- stone, saying, " You will, I dare say, ceeded with moderation. He proposed be very happy in shaking again by the to send an ambassador to explain the hand yom- old Hyderabad acquaintance, causes of dissatisfaction, and to renew Captahi Malcolm, who can never be the treaties of friendship subsisting forgotten by any who have once had between the Sultan and the allies, the pleasure of knowing him." This advance, though twice rejected,
f "I was happy," wrote Malcolm to was again earnestly repeated by Lord
Lord Hobart, " to fmd his Lordship Mornington, after his arrival at Madras
fully determined to act in the most in the beginning of January." spirited manner towards the Sultan, VOL. I. G
82 HYDEEABAD AND MYSORE.
Malcolm was, therefore, despatched from Madras to ex- pedite the advance of our allies. The subsidiary force, under Roberts and Hyndraan, wliich had awed the French party into submission, was pushed forward, with a large body of the Nizam's troops under Meer AUum, to the Mysore frontier. On the 19th of January Mal- colm joined the force. The duties which devolved upon him were of an arduous and responsible character. It was his to communicate continually with the Governor- General and the Commander-in-Chief; to supply them with full and detailed information respecting the com- ponents, the organisation, the discipline, and the temper of the Nizam's troops ; to hurry on their march ; to control their excesses ; to communicate with the chiefs of the country through which they passed ; to obtain supplies for the army ; to direct the councils of Meer Allum ; and, finally, to restrain the soldiery from break- ing out into open mutiny.
This last was no easy task. Among the infantry bat- talions of our allies were a large number of the men of the old French corps. Malcolm found them in a state ■of disorder, for which it appeared to him that the only permanent remedy was the appointment of European officers to the command of the different battalions. But the men were wrought upon by their native leaders, and declared that, if such a measure of interference were carried out, they would march back to Hyderabad with all their guns, arms^ and munitions. Here then was a danger to be encountered which might well have perplexed an older and more experienced soldier. The alarming in- telligence was brouffht to Malcolm at midnig-ht. Before daybreak he waited upon Meer Allum, and urged upon him, in the strongest terms, the necessity of peremptorily ordering the guns and magazines to be sent forward under the protection of one regiment, and to direct the
MUTINY OF THE NIZAm's INFANTRY. 83
Others to march onward in tlie usual manner. The orders were sent ; but the reguiients hesitated. So the Nizam's cavalry were drawn up on the flank of the in- fantry line, whilst Colonel Eoberts's corps, which had overawed the French battalions at Hyderabad, took up a position which could have reduced the recusants, had it been necessary to proceed to extremities. Still there was procrastination. Some of the native leaders were eager to delay the settlement of the dispute till the evening. So Malcolm conceived that the time had come for the abandonment of all delicacy and reserve, and for a direct personal interference, such as, he said, under less pressing circumstances, he might not have been warranted in exercising. He offered his services to Meer Allum ; said that he was ready to carry the Minister's orders into immediate execution ; and, on receiving a full consent to the proposal, mounted his horse and rode into the lines of the mutinous battalions.
His determined bearing had the desired effect. He ordered the Sepoys to fall in; and they obeyed. He directed one regiment to move forward with the guns and the stores, and the others to march in the order determined ; and his commands were not resisted. The men, indeed, responded to the word with a ready acqui- escence, which showed that they had been misled by some of the chiefs in the Nizam's camp. The success of his English friend delighted Meer Allum, who at once importuned Malcolm to take command of the entire in- fantry force. Other European officers were appointed under him ; and, thus brought back to a becoming state of' discipline and order, the service which the regiments ren- dered contributed greatly to the success of the campaign.*
* " With a view of rendering them vices, they were arranged into bat- as efficient as possible, and of deriving talions commanded by British officers, the utmost advantage from their ser- and the whole placed under the com-
g2
84 HYDERABAD AND MYSORE.
In Meer AUum, who appeared rather in the character of an ambassador than of a mihtary commander, Malcohn found one whose heart was in tlie cause, and whose ener- gies were put forth, honestly and manfully, to promote it.*
To this confederate force — consisting as it did entirely of native troops — it was considered expedient to attach an European regiment. The corps selected for this service was his Majesty's 33rd, which had been stationed at Vel- lore. It was in excellent condition. Its perfect disciplme and soldierly appearance had attracted the attention and elicited the commendation of General Harris, who had recognised in the commanding officer all the qualities es- sential to secure the efficiency of the troops under his charge, and the confidence of the authorities above him. It happened that about this time Colonel Roberts had ex- pressed a desire to be relieved from his command; so the lieutenant-colonel of the 33rd Regiment was ap- pointed to lead the Nizam's detachment in his stead.
The appointment was one especially calculated to give satisfaction to our allies — to flatter their pride, and in- crease their confidence. For the great name and high connexions of the new commanding officer were second to none in India. His name was Arthur Wellesley. Few may have suspected then that he was destined to become the foremost man of the age ; but all knew that he was the brother of the Governor-General. It was this circumstance which rendered the appointment so' acceptable to Meer AUum, and so flattering to the Nizam,
raand of Captain John ^Malcolm, wliosc ginifuts." — \_Beaison's IFar with TijJ-
zeal and ability, added to a perfect poo.2
knowledge of their language and ens- * " I found in Mccr Allum," said
toiiis, rendered liim peculiarly qua- Malcohn, " the commander, a man
lilied for this situation. To Captain ■whose heart and soul were in the cause;
Malcolm's conuuand were attaclied and the advance of this force was so
two troops of native cavalrv, clothed, rapid, that it was obliged to halt some
accoutred, and disciplined in the days for the advance of the Grand
game manner as thcf Company's re- Army."
FIRST ACQUAINTANCE WITH ARTHUR WELLESLEY. 85
that History may well afford to sink the question of mili- tary seniority which it involved. It caused some heart- burnings, and created some discussion at the time,* as did a later appointment. But with these I have nothing to do. The appointment, however, of Colonel Wellesley to the chief command of the Nizam's force is a noticeable incident in the life of John Malcolm. It brought the two men for the first time into contact; taught them to understand and appreciate each other ; and laid the foundation of a friendship which lasted tln-oughout their lives.
The allies marched upon the capital of Mysore. The result belongs rather to general History than to such a Memoir as this. " On the 4th of May," wrote Malcolm to Lord Hobart, " all om- labors were crowned with the corapletest victory that ever graced the British annals in India. A state that had been the rival of the Com- pany's Government for nearly thirty years was on that day wholly annihilated." Seringapatam was taken, and Tip- poo Sultan was slain.
Two characteristic anecdotes of Malcolm relating to this period are extant. On the morning of the final assault on Seringapatam, he entered General Harris's tent in high spirits, and with his accustomed hilarity of manner addressed the Commander-in-Chief as "Lord Harris." The General gravely answered that it was too serious an occasion for a jest. Malcolm had been in General Harris's family, and greatly esteemed him ; but there was another General then in India to whom he owed everything that he could owe to the patronage of a superior; and after the capture of Seringapatam and the
* The question is considered at but the whole body of troops was, in length in the Life of Sir Dacid Baird, fact, under the command of Colonel the by Theodore Hook, who tells us that Hon. A. Wellesley, brother of the Go- at the liead of the force " Meer Allum, vemor-General." the Nizam's son, was nominally placed.
86 HYDERABAD AND MYSORE.
death of Tippoo, he piirchased the Sultan's sword, which had become prize-property — assured by the inscription on it of its authenticity — and presented it to Sir Alured CLarke. The trophy was one which Harris might well have coveted; but he appreciated Malcolm's feelings, and approved of the gift. The circumstance was remembered, some twenty years afterwards, on a nearly similar occasion, and recorded to the honor of the captor of Seringapatam. In a General Order issued to the troops on the break- ing up of the Grand Army, the Commander-in-Chief acknowledged, in befitting terms, the services rendered by the Nizam's force; and subsequently, in a letter to the Governor- General, called the especial attention of Lord Wellesley to the zeal and activity — the com- bined energy and judgment — which had characterised the successful exertions of Captain Malcolm to give the utmost effect to the alliance :
" The body of his Highness the Nizam's Contingent Force being about to separate from the army," wrote General Harris, on the 9th of June, " I have the honor to enclose to your Lordship a copy of an order I thought it proper on this occasion to issue to the troops under my command.
" Captain Malcohn, Assistant to the Resident at Hyderabad, through whom my communications with Meer Allum, Behaudur, were necessarily conducted, has at all times during the campaign, in which he took a very conspicuous part, made the requisite arrangements for the co-operation of the Contingent in a manner which reflects the highest honor on his abiHties, and which strongly marks his zeal in the public cause. His peculiar talent for conciliating the Sirdars of the allied force, and directing their exertions to objects of general utility in a manner foreign to their habits of service — his activity in applying the unconnected power of resource possessed by the Contingent in aid of the general wants of the army — and the important assistance which he gave with the corps of his Highness the Nizam's regular infantry under his immediate orders, in occupying posts for the security, and covering
THE MYSORE COMMISSION. 87
parties for the supply, of the army during the siege of Seringapa- tam, are points of valuable service which it is incumbent on me to point out, as entitling Captain Malcolm to the particular notice of his Lordship in Council."
To Malcolm, liowever, the close of the war had not brought a cessation of labor. " This morning," he wrote to Lord Hobart, on the 30th of May, from Seringapatam, " Lord Mormngton's appointment of a Commission to settle finally the Mysore Government, and to make the partition-treaty, arrived. The Commission consists of General Harris, Lord M.'s brothers (the Colonel and Mr. Wellesley), Colonels Kirkpatrick and Close. I am the first secretary ; Captain Thomas Munro the second. We begin the great work to-morrow ; and I trust we shall finish it well. Our powers are very ample; and there are few obstacles against every plan we propose being carried into immediate execution." He had previously been appointed, with Colonels Wel- lesley and Agnew, Commissioner for the general conduct of those numerous extra-military duties which such a conquest necessarily involved ; and now the special busmess entrusted to him was well understood, and rapidly and efficiently performed. The Commission ad- dressed itself to its work with an energy and activity little surprising when it is considered of whom it was composed; and in the course of a month the settlement of Mysore was accomplished, in a manner which Friend- ship might commend without offence to the Justice of History.*
_* Colonel Beatson, who wrote the sidiary treaty was concluded), to remark
History of the Mysore War, was one that the conclusion, within cue month,
of Lord Wellesley's aides-de-camp, of two treaties, so extensive in their
But he does not exaggerate when he consequences and complicated in their
says: "It is but justice to the gentle- details, together with all the subordi-
men who composed the Commission for nate arrangements connected vidth this
the affairs of Mysore (which the Go- important settlement, appears to be an
veruor-General dissolved after the sub- extraordinary effort of diligence and
88 HYDERABAD AND MYSORE.
Of the political results of the conquest of Mysore, either as they affected the Hyderabad or our own Go- vernment, more need not be said than is contained in the following extracts from a very long letter written by Malcolm to General Ross, on the 10th of August, 1799, from Madras:
" The venal and weak Court of Hyderabad presents the usual picture. They entered warmly into the war from a conviction of our power being equal to the reduction of the Sultan's. They anticipated more crores and more provinces. These hopes origi- nally formed increased in an exact ratio with our success; and on the fall of the capital of the Sultan their expectations appear to have exceeded all bounds. This occasioned not a little ill-humor at the moderate settlement made by Lord Mornlngton, who had been previously vested with full powers to act for the Nizam. This ill-humor was at first vented in language not altogether respectful. A spirited conduct soon brought them to their recol- lection, and they are at present all penitence for their offences, and thankful for what they have gained. This Court is now busy in adjusting its political disputes with that of Poonah, with whom they would gladly involve us. But, finding that impossible, they will, I trust, have no hesitation in agreeing to a just and equitable settlement. Our connexion with this Court will have much the same course as those we have formed with other Mahomedan powers in Hindostan. The inconceivable weakness and shameful corruption of the Government would soon bring it to a dissolu- tion if unsupported by our aid, and our own safety will lay us lander the necessity of interfering in every change in a manner that will soon make the Court literally dependent — a situation from which they are at present only one stage removed."
ability, more especially when it is con- ducted by the Commissioners witli a
sidcrcd that reference was necessarily spirit of humanity and liberaUty, -which
made to the Govcnior-General at Fort does equal honor to their feelings and
St. George through every stage of to their judgment, and M-hich cannot
their transactions. The whole ar- fail to conciliate the good-will of the
rangement seems to have been con- inhabitants of Mysore."
ACEOSS THE PENINSULA. 89
CHAPTER VI.
ACROSS THE PENINSULA.
[1799—1800.] irALCOL:M:'s appoixtmenx to the peksiaij mssiox — its objects — eu:m;oeed
INVASION OP ZEJIAITN SHAH — LOCAL ATTACHMENTS — MALCOLM's JOIJRNEY to HYDEKA3AD — BUSINESS THERE — INCIDENTS OF TKAVEL — BETUKN TO BOMBAY.
The politics of the great Indian Peninsula were now about to give place in the mind of John Malcolm to others which involved still more important interests and embraced a still more extensive theatre of action. The business of the Mysore Commission was scarcely com- pleted when he received from Lord Wellesley the cheer- ing and exciting announcement that his Lordship intended to despatch him as ambassador to the Comt of Persia, whither no accredited envoy from the British Govern- ment had proceeded since the reign of Queen Elizabeth, more than two centuries agone.
The objects of tliis mission were threefold :
" Lord Mornington," wrote Captain Malcolm to General Ross, on the 10th of August, 1799, " has done me the honor to appoint me Envoy to the Court of Persia. The objects of this mission are various and important, and if I am sufficiently fortunate as to succeed in the accomplishment of any one of them, it will be
90 ACKOSS THE PENINSULA.
attended witli more reputation than I could hope to obtain in this quarter. To reheve India from the annual alarm of Zemaun Shah's invasion, which is always attended with serious expense to the Company, by occasioning a diversion upon his Persian pro- vinces; to counteract the possible attempts of those villanous but active democrats the French ; to restore to some part of its former prosperity a trade which has been in a great degree lost, are the leading objects of my journey. And, if report does justice to the character of the reigning Prince, Baba Khan, much may be eifected. Gratitude for the